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Television delivery throughout the world has changed rapidly over the past two decades. Within South Africa, much of this global narrative is repeated. The last 25 years saw a move from a single monopoly broadcaster within the ‘public service’ tradition (but later subsumed into the apartheid political agenda), to the present situation of a multi-company, multi-platform, increasingly digital delivery, calling into question even the very definition of ‘broadcasting’. ‘Global difference’ in South Africa plays out through a relatively late start but surprisingly short catch-up period, emphasizing a demographic/socio-economic specificity that has resulted in a highly skewed television market in which the uptake of high-end technology is less widespread than in other more ‘developed’ markets, and where the taste of local programming dominates even the technologically advanced sectors. The move toward a digital system, together with the introduction of competition, has provided challenges to the regulatory regime. The majority of the audience share, however, remains with local programming, regardless of its delivery.

Stuck between the political economy of the larger domestic television production industry and global market imperatives, I argue that Turkey’s TV industry executives and professionals had to develop and implement a number of tactics to achieve a locally based transnational cultural industry able to withstand both global and domestic pressures. In this chapter I identify three main tactics employed by Turkey’s TV industry executives and professionals to combat the socio-economic and political challenges they face: These tactics are: (1) carefully managing the content to skirt government restrictions; (2) adopting the government’s soft power discourse and public diplomacy aspirations by cooperating with government officials and businesses in their cultural promotion and nation-branding efforts; and (3) adapting to global TV trends by undertaking rigorous marketing and branding campaigns. A discussion of these tactics in the Turkish case can help us understand how culture industries in the developing world, which had to integrate into a neoliberal media environment after the 1980s due to market- and state-driven policies propelled mostly by US-based global media giants, negotiate being locally based transnational culture industries in the face of increasingly authoritarian and right-wing domestic political climates.

The chapter traces the evolution of Chinese television since 1958 from a state propaganda organ to a profit-generating media juggernaut, with China Central Television (CCTV) as the only network TV responding to both market principles and party directives. Commercialization and marketization played a major role in the rapid development of the Chinese television industry. In recent years China’s TV industry has witnessed the rise of private media companies and the rapid expansion of digital media and the proliferation of over the top (OTT) content. The chapter further provides an overview of China’s overall TV structures and teases out the relationship between CCTV and local stations. The most popular genre on Chinese TV is serial drama, which developed from predominantly single-episode anthology dramas in the 1980s to chiefly multi-episode serial dramas. Talk shows and reality TV became fashionable since the late 1990s.

African television is at the crossroads. This chapter surveys, describes, analyzes and explains the major changes that have taken place in the African television landscape since the 1990s. It focuses on three major developments that have marked the African television landscape: (1) liberalization of the television space to keep abreast of international developments, and the tension between entrenched governmental public broadcasting systems and newly licensed “independent” TV stations, (2) the process and impact of the analogue to digital TV switchover shepherded by the International Telecommunications Union, and (3) the diffusion of Chinese electronic technology, television, and film content on the African television market as part of the Asian giant’s “soft power” diplomacy and State capitalism. African television is constrained by political regimes that restrict freedom of expression, and regulatory agencies that preside over systems in which the law takes precedence over rights.

This chapter examines the structural changes that can be identified in Ibero-American television in the first 15 years of the 21st century. Taking as a reference the main TV markets in the region (Mexico, Brazil, Argentina and Spain) and their peculiar historical developments, a brief introduction and overview describes their characteristics, potentials and limitations, underlining their strengths, weaknesses and challenges. The analysis, framed in the globalizing phase that cultural products and services are undergoing jointly with their increased digitization, suggests two fundamental drivers of change, summarized in the notions of concentration and convergence. To conclude, policies and recommendations for action are explored, with a view to promote and protect audiovisual diversity.

This chapter provides an overview and analysis of emerging alternatives in the context of Arab television production, programming, and distribution. Media convergence and the access to digital technologies have accentuated the fragmentation of audiences, revenue streams, and forced alliances and competitions between previously discrete sectors of the media business. Yet, alternative practices are closely associated with changing political, economic, and cultural vectors in the Arab region and the increasing integration of its television industries in global media. The chapter argues that these alternatives constitute a set of continuities with the history of Arab television. Taken together, they also demonstrate some level of transformation in production practices, programming strategies, and distribution operations.

This chapter discusses how Chinese television has been refashioned by the digital entertainment industry, and contends that new genres, identities, and representations have emerged in recognition of youths as the most valuable and desirable category of audience. It does so by way of three case studies. The first illustrates the symbiotic relationship between online literature and television drama production, and how the former contributes to the fantastical turn of Chinese television. The second seeks to understand the emergence of new cultural figures of “supreme heroine” and “sweet males” in the context of the rise of female fandom in contemporary Chinese popular culture. The third reveals how traditional television content, or in this case a political drama, may be recreated by online distributors and influencers so as to be aligned with the habits, attitudes, and preferences of the younger audiences. The chapter concludes that to understand contemporary Chinese television culture, the Internet and social media must become an integral component of inquiry because of their powerful remediating role in the public communication of any cultural text.

Television is predisposed to the perception that it is the opposite of art and politics and that it is a time-consuming means for “dumbing down,” placating, disempowering and benumbing the citizenry. Through a discussion of the place of art and that of television, I use, as a conceptual framework, the convergence of the white cube and the black box to interrogate dynamics of postcoloniality, vision and power and how this forged divergent modernisms. Television in Africa did not, as with postwar America, create a sense of collective communities of spectatorship that would be brought closer to art appreciation through television. Rather, television, as the political, social and cultural phenomenon of modernization in various African countries, seemed to corrupt what was regarded as “pristine” cultural practices. However, since it coincided with colonial independence and the emergence of postcolonial nations, it became intertwined with various modes and mediums through which new forms of social consciousness aimed at self-definition and self-representation could be disseminated. The convergence of the white cube spaces of art and the black box of television enables an engagement with the colonial spatio-temporal distanciation of Africa from the global stage.

This chapter examines the intersection of popular culture and populism in Turkey by focusing on the TV show Payitaht Abdulhamid. Our motivation to analyze the recent TV series Payitaht Abdulhamid stems from our interest in the instrumental mobilization of popular culture for the Turkish government’s dual desire to both establish cultural hegemony and consolidate its populist style of government. Our analysis reveals that television, especially in the Global South, still plays a central role in governments’ desire to reconstruct history and establish cultural hegemony. This is particularly important as Turkey is going through a crisis of hegemony since the public is completely divided in its support for the government. Within the context of this hegemonic crisis, televised popular culture is vital, perhaps more than ever. Specifically, the show reduces a complicated history into easily understandable dichotomies and projects them on to contemporary politics in order to consolidate support for the government. Through televised popular culture, the government mobilizes history for purposes of cultural hegemony and populist politics flavored with nationalist, Islamist, and anti-Western motifs. Ultimately, the TV show presents yet another moment for understanding the mediated nature of 21st-century politics outside Western contexts.

During 2019, various situations once again showed the deep crisis in the country. Audiovisual production continued, albeit with figures that account for a declining industry. Four productions were released: a first was made by the state channel (TVe), a second by a local independent producer (Oduver Cubillán and BGcreativos), the third was produced by the private channel (RCTV) and broadcast by the subscription channel IVC Networks, and the fourth was also produced by RCTV. While the first two productions did not exceed the 35-episode figure, the third and fourth had 73 episodes. On March 7, there was the biggest blackout in the country’s history. For more than a week, 95% of the territory was paralyzed by a lack of electricity. The action was classified by the government as an electric sabotage. The darkness that covered the country also subsumed serial fiction.

A look at the screens of Uruguay’s open television in prime time will give the viewer a very reduced offer: after a television newscast that exceeds two hours long, there are only contest pro- grams, national or imported ones. It is possible that in the afternoon and at night the viewer finds a telenovela, almost always Turkish one. This is a very different panorama from the Uruguayan televi- sion history. Ibero-American fiction is in decline on open television, while its offer on VoD expands. In this chapter we will try to consider the various aspects of this landscape. Melodrama is on both options, open television and streaming, on a broad thematic spectrum, even in productions that are not usually classified as such. In the absence of national fiction in the period, at the end of the chapter we will study the melodrama in prison fiction, particularly in the case of El Marginal.

The country’s political crisis led to the confrontation between the Peruvian Congress and President Martín Vizcarra on irreconcil- able limits. After a second denial of confidence, Vizcarra made use of his constitutional prerogatives and dissolved Congress at the end of September 2019. The majority of the mass media step in line with the different positions of the Executive or the opposition, giv- ing much more attention to the political situation, thus modifying the TV programing. In this scenario, the Enfoca group – owner of Latina station – has continued looking for potential buyers, but without success yet. The conglomerate – with interest in financial, health and productive sectors – does not feel that the investment made in acquiring all the station’s shares seven years ago yielded the expected results. Meanwhile, Willax – a small locally held station acquired by the Wong group in 2015 with promises of a large investment – has become a stronghold of opposition to the government of Vizcarra and the largest broadcaster of Korean fictions. In February 2020, they an- nounced that a commercial partnership had been signed with South Korean company CJ ENM, a production company of several Korean dramas and the award-winning film Parasite, but without indicating what this company could mean for audiovisual production in Peru.

The high expectations of change caused by the victory of An- drés Manuel López Obrador for the presidency of Mexico have not been translated into any substantive modification in the Mexican media ecosystem or in the communication policies that have led the media-state relations in the country. However, what has been modi- fied/conditioned is the setting of the daily news agenda, since the new president has imposed a political-governmental communica- tion framework by holding morning press conferences, in which, with little opposition from the media, he sets the topics to be dis- cussed on a daily basis. It has created various problems with those media and/or journalists that have questioned the stances he has adopted, his plans and projects. The conflict escalated to such an extent that López Obrador has called his opponents “prensa fifí” (“snob press”), pointing out in a very clear way that these are ac- tors who only seek to defend the privileges lost during his govern- ment by conservative media, or, as he has called them: “la mafia del poder” (“the power mafia”).

The year 2019 in Colombia was characterized by the presence of a series of social and cultural phenomena of high impact on the population, such as the National Strike on November 21, when dif- ferent sectors expressed their disagreement with the country’s poli- cies and the reforms that were being proposed for the new year. This situation led to a leading presence of the news on the small screen and, at the same time, an interesting reflection of national identity, the needs of various Colombian social groups and the cul- tural matrices of the nation. In this hectic context and in accordance with a certain global climate of crisis in democratic and government systems, a highly interesting television phenomenon emerges: the highly successful reappearance of the programs that marked differ- ent generations of compatriots and that, as in the past, once again led families to discuss episodes and situations presented under the classical structure of melodrama.

In 2019, the World Wide Web (www) celebrated its 30th anni- versary, However, the internet had not yet asserted itself as a right in the “network society” (Castells, 2009), and its balance points to the expansion of both opportunities and threats. Another fact that deserves to be highlighted in the year was the drop in the rating as a global phenomenon that challenges the television industry. It means change of habits and search for new business models. The integration of platforms and the generation of quality content appear as pillars of thetransformation of audiovisual worldwide. And the changes are manifested with a certain degree of diversity, according to the economic and cultural characteristics of each society, with disruptive processes.

Serial fiction released in Argentina in 2019 continues to fall. Only one telenovela had more than 200 chapters. To a lesser extent than the previous year, the supply of serialized fiction incorporated themes from the social agenda, especially feminist struggles and the visibility of sexual dissidence. The channels found in the co-produc- tion and in the production for platforms one of the ways in which fic- tion survives. Some of these programs are now on the open television screen. New fiction releases from Ibero-America are also falling.

This year, the Ibero-American Observatory of Television Fic- tion (Obitel) has dedicated special attention to the persistence of melodrama on screens in times of streaming and the proliferation of deprogrammed and multiscreen consumption. Obitel is made up of 12 countries that monitor the production and distribution of televi- sion fiction. For this yearbook, however, it was not possible to count on the participation of Ecuador, since it did not achieve the neces- sary conditions to work with the common methodology required. Chile, for its part, participated by providing data in order not to in- terrupt the historical series, but the analytical chapter corresponding to that country is not included either.

Livre : For decades, television scholars have viewed global television through the lens of cultural imperialism, focusing primarily on programs produced in the US and UK markets and exported to foreign markets. This book explores how, thanks to recent technological innovation and globalization, television is now finally becoming truly global. Global Television Formats aims to revise the place of the global in television studies. The essays gathered here explore the diversity of global programming and approaches, and ask how to theorize contemporary

During the last decade, popular television formats have been replicated across the globe for local or regional consumption as program imports, adaptations, clones or imitations, raising questions on the possible ramifications of such cultural inflows. For Africa the international program flow and the influence of Western media content has been a contentious issue for decades, underlying the cultural imperialism thesis of the 1970s and 1980s, and the centre– periphery paradigms which conceptualized the series of dependency relationships. In African media research concepts like cultural colonialism, media imperialism, neocolonialism, Americanization, homogenization, have been used to denote the unequal flow and influence of Western media products in Africa. Within the framework of media globalization some scholars have even propounded a scenario of the emergency of a global culture mediated by the dominant Western media. The central issues in African media discussions have mainly revolved around the flow of finished media programs and their perceived detriment to local cultures and identities. What is missing in the African research literature is the attention to television formats, a phenomenon described by Keane et al. (2002) as a vehicle for localization, since what is imported is not the content itself, but a recipe for creating a local version. Global reality format shows thus create a new picture.

Three seasons of NZ Idol , the New Zealand adaptation of the global Idols format, were aired on public broadcaster TVNZ’s channel TV2 in 2004, 2005 and 2006. The final episode of the first season was the most-watched television programme in New Zealand in 2004, with 1.4 million people, a third of the New Zealand population, tuning in (South Pacific Pictures, 2004). In terms of ratings NZ Idol has been one of the most successful locally made television programmes of the last decade. At first glance, NZ Idol has also been very successful in representing ethnic and cultural diversity. In the auditions phase of the show young New Zealanders of 16 years plus from a range of backgrounds are featured, and in the subsequent phases the audience gets to know a selection of them intimately. The winners of all three seasons (Ben Lummis in season 1, Rosita Vai in season 2, and Matt Sounoa in season 3) have Pacific Island roots, and as a result three young “brown” people were crowned “New Zealand Idols.” This is remarkable, since according to a previous study by Misha Kavka (2004: 231) non-white people have largely been absent from New Zealand reality TV programmes. A closer look suggests, however, that featuring contestants from different cultural backgrounds in NZ Idol generally serves a particular nation building agenda that New Zealand is heavily involved in as a postcolonial society, in which ethnic minorities are subjected to representations that favour the interests of dominant cultural groups. The aim of this nation building agenda is to establish a new and distinct sense of national identity which will set New Zealand apart from Britain, the former colonial power, and other English-speaking nations.