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The neoliberal regime of production and services has created a rapacious neoliberal regime that has severely eroded established trade unions and expanded informal work in capitalist countries and leading to the vast expansion of precarious labor, which provides low wages and limited job security. To counter these efforts, unions must challenge precarious work arrangements at the policy level to broaden the forms of labor representation into nontraditional jobs. To do so, unions are compelled to take a far broader view of their organizing and representation function through organizing around class and aligning with new social movements around race and gender, housing issues, and public services. Urban space is the staging ground for new social movements which, whether struggling against gentrification, in defense of public services, for living wages or against racist policing, have a working-class character even if they are not rooted in the workplace. Unions must seize on their potential to develop strategies for the mobilization of urban-based class solidarities in commercial and gentrified spaces that are vulnerable to working-class demands and collective action.
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On November 5, 2012, the Executive Committee of Toronto?s city council voted to move ahead with public consultations on the benefits and location of a casino in the city. The marathon session included over fifty-two listed deputations from unions, social service professionals, urban boosters, and anti-casino residents. The meeting unofficially kicked off competitive campaigns among casino and real estate capital, the state, community groups, and organized labor to shape the future of Toronto?s downtown core. On May 21, 2013, following an intense period of media campaigns and public debate, the council overwhelmingly rejected a downtown casino (40?4) and the
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The past two decades have seen the emergence of new forms of international employee representation within multinational corporations. In EU member states, management in multinationals finds itself having to deal with statutory European works councils (EWCs), while at a more global level some studies show a rise in the number of solidarity networks and cross-border union alliances. These cross-border union alliances can be defined as groups of union organisations from different countries that represent workers from the same multinational for the purpose of enforcing fundamental worker rights. Under the leadership of some global union federations that have recently made their establishment a strategic priority, cross-border union alliances are of growing interest to organisations seeking to counter the negative effects of globalisation and the increasing power of multinationals. While the establishment of such alliances is not a new phenomenon, recent studies suggest that the current context of globalisation is contributing to their resurgence (Barton and Fairbrother 2009; Croucher and Cotton 2009; Greer and Hauptmeier 2008; Bronfenbrenner 2007; Stevis and Boswell 2007; Harrod and O’Brien 2002). They also have the merit of going beyond the deterministic, even defeatist, views of the various obstacles standing in the way of international cooperation between unions by providing a more nuanced understanding of the conditions in which the new union alliances can be effective.
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On constate que la n�gociation collective a fait l?objet d?une multitude de contributions th�oriques depuis la fin du XIXe si�cle jusqu?� aujourd?hui (Bergeron, 2006; Dupont, 1994). Selon les diff�rents cas de figures, les th�ories de la n�gociation cherchent � expliquer le comportement des n�gociateurs, la dynamique de leurs �changes ou les r�sultats de la n�gociation. Elles proviennent de disciplines aussi diverses que l?�conomie, la sociologie, la psychologie, les sciences politiques et �videmment les relations industrielles (Lewicki, Saunders et Barry, 2006; Sexton, 2001; H�bert, 1992). � cet �gard, les chercheurs en relations industrielles n?ont pas h�sit� � puiser abondamment dans ces
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In the postindustrial city, leisure, the representation of place, and the experience of the city may be counted among its leading exports. As the product is, in a real sense, the city itself, urban space is constantly being reworked by urban boosters to capture an increasing share of the world tourism market, renewing the product through investments in cultural, leisure and mobility infrastructure, aggressive place promotion, and careful brand management (Fainstein and Judd 1999; Gotham 2007; Greenberg 2008). The commercial real estate industry has for decades aggressively promoted urban tourism as an economic growth strategy, justifying public supports for hotel
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In April 2013, the New York City Department of City Planning initiated a public review process to rezone a seventy-three-block area of Midtown Manhattan around Grand Central Station, known in planning documents and real estate parlance as East Midtown. The proposal sought to lift existing restrictions on building density in order to spur development of new commercial office space along the iconic avenues of corporate America, thus ?ensur[ing] the area?s future as a world-class business district and major job generator for New York City? (Department of City Planning 2013a). The city argued that this new development was crucial to ensure
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