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The neoliberal regime of production and services has created a rapacious neoliberal regime that has severely eroded established trade unions and expanded informal work in capitalist countries and leading to the vast expansion of precarious labor, which provides low wages and limited job security. To counter these efforts, unions must challenge precarious work arrangements at the policy level to broaden the forms of labor representation into nontraditional jobs. To do so, unions are compelled to take a far broader view of their organizing and representation function through organizing around class and aligning with new social movements around race and gender, housing issues, and public services. Urban space is the staging ground for new social movements which, whether struggling against gentrification, in defense of public services, for living wages or against racist policing, have a working-class character even if they are not rooted in the workplace. Unions must seize on their potential to develop strategies for the mobilization of urban-based class solidarities in commercial and gentrified spaces that are vulnerable to working-class demands and collective action.
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On November 5, 2012, the Executive Committee of Toronto?s city council voted to move ahead with public consultations on the benefits and location of a casino in the city. The marathon session included over fifty-two listed deputations from unions, social service professionals, urban boosters, and anti-casino residents. The meeting unofficially kicked off competitive campaigns among casino and real estate capital, the state, community groups, and organized labor to shape the future of Toronto?s downtown core. On May 21, 2013, following an intense period of media campaigns and public debate, the council overwhelmingly rejected a downtown casino (40?4) and the
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Our chapter examines the political and fiscal factors of collective capabilities for self-determination in three Inuit-dominated areas in Canada with active self-government regimes: the relatively new territory of Nunavut, the region of Nunavik (in Québec) and the region of Nunatsiavut (in Newfoundland and Labrador). We derive and measure important political and fiscal indicators identified by the literature (institutional independence, representation, local capacity and fiscal ability) that are based on the most recent information from the three regions. Our analysis indicates that most Inuit governments are still quite financially dependent and constrained. In terms of institutional independence, and representation, Nunavik lags behind the other regions due to a fragmented governance system with three separate regional public administration bodies that receive funding through provincial parent departments. In terms of local capacity, as measured by the proportion of Aboriginal people with university degree, the three regions lie well below Canadian and provincial averages. Nunatsiavut has significantly higher education levels than other Inuit regions; however, the percentage of Aboriginal people with university degrees is also higher in Newfoundland and Labrador than in Quebec and in Canada.
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- L'Observatoire sur la santé et le mieux-être au travail (OSMET) (36)
- La Chaire BMO - Diversité et gouvernance (17)
- Le Centre de recherche interuniversitaire sur la mondialisation et le travail (CRIMT) (125)
- MYRIAGONE Chaire McConnell – Université de Montréal en mobilisation des connaissances jeunesse (6)
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