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This chapter examines how unions have joined in cross-class territorial alliances to shape labour markets, employment relations, public services, and housing markets across a variety of sectors. It analyses various campaigns where attempts were made to make labour markets and employment practices conform to a model that is more conducive to union organisation and bargaining. These initiatives occur in a challenging environment, characterised by the loss of ‘good jobs’ with deindustrialisation and the rise of new business models in the service economy. The authors produce a map of the terrain which would permit decision-making in full view of the variety of strategies available to unions. They identify the common ground between unions and other class actors, class fractions, and the local state, to understand how it is possible for trade unions to advance their priorities in urban and regional governance. The chapter concludes with a reflection on the limits of cross-class alliances and the potential for union strategies beyond the reproduction of capitalist social relations.
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The neoliberal regime of production and services has created a rapacious neoliberal regime that has severely eroded established trade unions and expanded informal work in capitalist countries and leading to the vast expansion of precarious labor, which provides low wages and limited job security. To counter these efforts, unions must challenge precarious work arrangements at the policy level to broaden the forms of labor representation into nontraditional jobs. To do so, unions are compelled to take a far broader view of their organizing and representation function through organizing around class and aligning with new social movements around race and gender, housing issues, and public services. Urban space is the staging ground for new social movements which, whether struggling against gentrification, in defense of public services, for living wages or against racist policing, have a working-class character even if they are not rooted in the workplace. Unions must seize on their potential to develop strategies for the mobilization of urban-based class solidarities in commercial and gentrified spaces that are vulnerable to working-class demands and collective action.
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On November 5, 2012, the Executive Committee of Toronto?s city council voted to move ahead with public consultations on the benefits and location of a casino in the city. The marathon session included over fifty-two listed deputations from unions, social service professionals, urban boosters, and anti-casino residents. The meeting unofficially kicked off competitive campaigns among casino and real estate capital, the state, community groups, and organized labor to shape the future of Toronto?s downtown core. On May 21, 2013, following an intense period of media campaigns and public debate, the council overwhelmingly rejected a downtown casino (40?4) and the
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The past two decades have seen the emergence of new forms of international employee representation within multinational corporations. In EU member states, management in multinationals finds itself having to deal with statutory European works councils (EWCs), while at a more global level some studies show a rise in the number of solidarity networks and cross-border union alliances. These cross-border union alliances can be defined as groups of union organisations from different countries that represent workers from the same multinational for the purpose of enforcing fundamental worker rights. Under the leadership of some global union federations that have recently made their establishment a strategic priority, cross-border union alliances are of growing interest to organisations seeking to counter the negative effects of globalisation and the increasing power of multinationals. While the establishment of such alliances is not a new phenomenon, recent studies suggest that the current context of globalisation is contributing to their resurgence (Barton and Fairbrother 2009; Croucher and Cotton 2009; Greer and Hauptmeier 2008; Bronfenbrenner 2007; Stevis and Boswell 2007; Harrod and O’Brien 2002). They also have the merit of going beyond the deterministic, even defeatist, views of the various obstacles standing in the way of international cooperation between unions by providing a more nuanced understanding of the conditions in which the new union alliances can be effective.
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On constate que la n�gociation collective a fait l?objet d?une multitude de contributions th�oriques depuis la fin du XIXe si�cle jusqu?� aujourd?hui (Bergeron, 2006; Dupont, 1994). Selon les diff�rents cas de figures, les th�ories de la n�gociation cherchent � expliquer le comportement des n�gociateurs, la dynamique de leurs �changes ou les r�sultats de la n�gociation. Elles proviennent de disciplines aussi diverses que l?�conomie, la sociologie, la psychologie, les sciences politiques et �videmment les relations industrielles (Lewicki, Saunders et Barry, 2006; Sexton, 2001; H�bert, 1992). � cet �gard, les chercheurs en relations industrielles n?ont pas h�sit� � puiser abondamment dans ces
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