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On November 5, 2012, the Executive Committee of Toronto?s city council voted to move ahead with public consultations on the benefits and location of a casino in the city. The marathon session included over fifty-two listed deputations from unions, social service professionals, urban boosters, and anti-casino residents. The meeting unofficially kicked off competitive campaigns among casino and real estate capital, the state, community groups, and organized labor to shape the future of Toronto?s downtown core. On May 21, 2013, following an intense period of media campaigns and public debate, the council overwhelmingly rejected a downtown casino (40?4) and the
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Our chapter examines the political and fiscal factors of collective capabilities for self-determination in three Inuit-dominated areas in Canada with active self-government regimes: the relatively new territory of Nunavut, the region of Nunavik (in Québec) and the region of Nunatsiavut (in Newfoundland and Labrador). We derive and measure important political and fiscal indicators identified by the literature (institutional independence, representation, local capacity and fiscal ability) that are based on the most recent information from the three regions. Our analysis indicates that most Inuit governments are still quite financially dependent and constrained. In terms of institutional independence, and representation, Nunavik lags behind the other regions due to a fragmented governance system with three separate regional public administration bodies that receive funding through provincial parent departments. In terms of local capacity, as measured by the proportion of Aboriginal people with university degree, the three regions lie well below Canadian and provincial averages. Nunatsiavut has significantly higher education levels than other Inuit regions; however, the percentage of Aboriginal people with university degrees is also higher in Newfoundland and Labrador than in Quebec and in Canada.
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The past two decades have seen the emergence of new forms of international employee representation within multinational corporations. In EU member states, management in multinationals finds itself having to deal with statutory European works councils (EWCs), while at a more global level some studies show a rise in the number of solidarity networks and cross-border union alliances. These cross-border union alliances can be defined as groups of union organisations from different countries that represent workers from the same multinational for the purpose of enforcing fundamental worker rights. Under the leadership of some global union federations that have recently made their establishment a strategic priority, cross-border union alliances are of growing interest to organisations seeking to counter the negative effects of globalisation and the increasing power of multinationals. While the establishment of such alliances is not a new phenomenon, recent studies suggest that the current context of globalisation is contributing to their resurgence (Barton and Fairbrother 2009; Croucher and Cotton 2009; Greer and Hauptmeier 2008; Bronfenbrenner 2007; Stevis and Boswell 2007; Harrod and O’Brien 2002). They also have the merit of going beyond the deterministic, even defeatist, views of the various obstacles standing in the way of international cooperation between unions by providing a more nuanced understanding of the conditions in which the new union alliances can be effective.
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On constate que la n�gociation collective a fait l?objet d?une multitude de contributions th�oriques depuis la fin du XIXe si�cle jusqu?� aujourd?hui (Bergeron, 2006; Dupont, 1994). Selon les diff�rents cas de figures, les th�ories de la n�gociation cherchent � expliquer le comportement des n�gociateurs, la dynamique de leurs �changes ou les r�sultats de la n�gociation. Elles proviennent de disciplines aussi diverses que l?�conomie, la sociologie, la psychologie, les sciences politiques et �videmment les relations industrielles (Lewicki, Saunders et Barry, 2006; Sexton, 2001; H�bert, 1992). � cet �gard, les chercheurs en relations industrielles n?ont pas h�sit� � puiser abondamment dans ces
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- MYRIAGONE Chaire McConnell – Université de Montréal en mobilisation des connaissances jeunesse (10)
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