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Moyen d’action privilégié de la papauté réformée depuis la fin du xie siècle, la légation constitue l’un des outils essentiels de la diplomatie pontificale dans les siècles suivants. Pourtant, si l’on considère les différents pouvoirs attribués aux cardinaux envoyés représenter les intérêts du Saint-Siège, on est frappé de constater qu’ils répondent fort imparfaitement à ce que serait une définition de l’action diplomatique moderne. En particulier, on remarque en leur sein de nombreuses capac...
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An article from Relations, on Érudit.
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The influenza pandemic of 1918–1920, which killed 50 000 Canadians, spurred the creation of a federal department of public health. But in the intervening century, public health at all levels has remained, as Marc Lalonde put it in 1988, the “poor cousin” in the health care system (Lalonde 1988, p. 77). Punctuated by sporadic investment during infectious disease crises, such as polio in the early 1950s, public health is less of a priority as the cost of tertiary health interventions rises. While public health potentially involves a broad range of interventions, this paper focuses on the history of public health interventions around infectious disease. COVID-19 has forced us to relearn the importance of maintaining basic infectious/communicable disease control capacity and revealed the cost of our failure to do so. It has also drawn our attention to the intersection between social inequality, racism, and colonialism and vulnerability to disease. In addition to investing in our capacity to contain disease outbreaks as they occur, we must plan now for how to achieve greater health equity in the future by addressing underlying economic and social conditions and providing meaningful access to preventive care for all. This is how we build a truly resilient society. Governments at all levels have recognized the importance of social factors in shaping health and illness for decades. But greater health equity will result only from genuine action on this knowledge. Action will arise from public advocacy in support of prevention, and a new level of engagement and collaboration between affected individuals and communities, public health experts, and governments.
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This article explores the intersecting of liberal internationalism and settler colonialism by tracing the Canadian governmental response to the emergence of International Labour Organisation (ilo) Convention 107 (1957) and Recommendation 104 (1957), the first international treaties regarding the rights of Indigenous Peoples in independent states. Drawing upon the archives of the ilo, Canada’s Department of External Affairs and Department of Citizenship and Immigration, notably the latter’s Indian Affairs Branch, the article investigates the convergence of mid-twentieth-century notions of Indigenous rights and the global phenomenon of “development.” It also explores how, amid anti-colonial resistance, decolonization, and an emerging international human rights regime, settler states responded, not least by seeking to blunt if not defeat the ilo initiative. In addition to yielding greater understanding of the origins and emergence of the ilo instruments, this analysis contributes to critical interrogations of Canadian liberal internationalism by revealing how Canadian settler preoccupations were projected abroad and shaped the international system’s evolving treatment of Indigenous Peoples. It also offers a different perspective on Canadian Indian policy by revealing the “global” dimension of an allegedly “domestic” question. Finally, the article highlights a parallel history of Indigenous internationalism speaking back to a world order constructed on Indigenous displacement and dispossession. Le présent article étudie les liens entre l’internationalisme libéral et le colonialisme de peuplement. À cette fin, il relate la réaction du gouvernement canadien devant l’émergence de la Convention 107 (1957) et la Recommandation 104 (1957) de l’Organisation internationale du Travail (oit), premiers traités internationaux portant sur les droits des peuples autochtones dans les États indépendants. À partir des archives de l’ oit, du ministère des Affaires extérieures et du ministère de la Citoyenneté et de l’Immigration du Canada, notamment de sa Division des affaires indiennes, l’article analyse la convergence entre les droits des autochtones, tels qu’ils étaient perçus au milieu du XXe siècle, et le phénomène mondial du « développement ». Il étudie également la manière dont les États colonisateurs, dans un contexte de résistance anticoloniale, de décolonisation et d’émergence d’un régime international des droits de l’homme, ont cherché à amoindrir, voire à faire échouer, l’initiative de l’oit. En plus de permettre de mieux comprendre les origines et l’émergence des instruments de l’oit, cette analyse aide à poser des questions pertinentes au sujet de l’internationalisme libéral canadien, car elle révèle comment les préoccupations des colonisateurs canadiens ont été projetées à l’étranger et ont joué un rôle dans l’évolution du traitement des peuples autochtones par le système international. Elle offre également une perspective différente sur la politique canadienne à l’égard des autochtones en révélant la dimension « mondiale » d’une question prétendument « intérieure ». Enfin, l’article met en lumière une histoire parallèle de l’internationalisme autochtone qui réagit à un ordre mondial construit sur le déplacement et la dépossession des autochtones.
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This chapter examines the impact of colonialism on the “invention” of Vietnamese medicine (VM) in the first half of the twentieth century. It focuses more specifically on the legal framework dealing with VM in the interwar period, when Vietnamese nationalism was on the rise and French colonial authorities were assessing the “successes” and “failures” of the Assistance Médicale Indigène (AMI), the colonial health care system established in 1905. I argue that this invention was at the same time pragmatic, programmatic, and ideological; it aimed at “naturalizing” the AMI to adapt it to local medical needs within the imperial framework and French budgetary constraints. Bridging political, institutional, professional, and therapeutic spaces, this article brings into focus the process whereby VM was not only domesticated, but legally defined for the first time and given specific roles within the colonial health care system. Analysing the discourses framing VM as a “traditional,” “complementary,” and “natural” medicine, I explore the different meanings of science, toxicity, and tradition in this context, as well as the issue of accessibility to essential care. I emphasize the participation of the Vietnamese population, especially Vietnamese doctors and healers, in this process. In so doing, this article helps to reconsider the historiography of traditional medicine worldwide and underlines the importance of a postcolonial approach to a much-needed history of so-called complementary and alternative medicine (CAM). Last but not least, it highlights the impact of colonialism on the framing of a “national medicine” that would play a crucial role in post-1954 Vietnam medicalization and nation building.
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