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Based on a comparative study of the communities that migrated from India to French Indochina and British Burma, this thesis examines the place of Indian migrants in these two colonies during the first half of the 20th century. Indian minorities had a special place in the colonial system because of their various legal status, political and economic influence, and intermediary roles. These dynamics and the interest in studying them are illustrated by three specific case studies: 1. the dispute between Indian police officers and the municipality of Saigon in 1907; 2. Negotiations during the separation of Burma from the British Raj in 1935; 3. the repercussions of the 1929 stock market crash on government discourse on these communities and their place in colonial settings. The interaction of Indian minorities with colonial administrations indicates their understanding of imperial workings. They illustrate their skillful navigation of government structures and their mobilization to defend their interests. The analysis of their position as intermediaries highlights how minority communities have used their relationships to bypass lines of authority and power and sheds light on the plurality of hierarchical axes in colonial situations. These three case studies provide a more holistic conceptualization of colonial Indian minorities and support their complexity, highlighting their ambiguous allegiances and how they define and redefine themselves. The colonial authorities' speeches on those communities highlighted the link between the desirability of Indian minorities and Indian minorities and the need for their presence in the two colonies. This thesis helps deepen our understanding of what an empire is and the complex place that groups deemed homogenous and marginal may have occupied within it.

This dissertation focusses on the Breve storia, a medical biography published in September 1744 by physician and anatomist Giovanni Bianchi. This novella recounts the life and autopsy of a young Roman servant, Giovanni Bordoni, known in many villages in Tuscany as an enthusiastic seducer and womanizer, until his death on June 28th, 1743. At this point, when the body is stripped for the autopsy, the physician notes female reproductive organs. In fact, even though Bordoni led his adult life under a male identity, his biological sex becomes a subject of discussions and writings after his death, immortalizing him as a woman with same-sex desires, cross-dressed as a man. However, by delving into sexuality and gender as they were understood in early modern Europe, this dissertation deconstructs two main claims: first, that female same-sex desires were intrinsically linked to clitoral hypertrophy, second, that gender existed only in a strict normative link to the biological sex. Thus, by analyzing the Breve storia and Bianchi’s correspondence with his readers, it is possible to shed light on the diverse ways of naming and understanding female homoeroticism in the 18th century, linking it for example with genital anatomy, psychology, and emotions. This master’s thesis highlights that, while the early moderns considered that gender’s essence is found in sex, they could understand it as sometimes fluid, but also as not fully masculine or feminine.

The French Resistance press was born following the defeat of France and the signing of the armistice with Germany in June 1940. It embodied the will of some French citizens to refuse the occupation and to represent an alternative to Vichy France. In addition to countering official propaganda, the underground newspapers published their vision of the France to be rebuilt in the post-war period. Our master’s thesis analyzes the perception of the Allies in the French Resistance press between 1940 and 1944, in order to highlight the extent to which France's place in the world is visible through the vision shown of the three great powers, who are allies, but who could represent threats after the Liberation. The portraits of the Allies allow us to analyze and understand the plans and concerns of the Resistance. Based on a discursive, diachronic and thematic analysis of the clandestine newspapers, we are able to show that the perception of the Allies evolves during the course of the war, moving from a generally positive view between 1940 and 1942 to a more critical perception in the spring of 1944. At the beginning of the war, the Resistance offered a portrait of the Allies based on their military strength. Nevertheless, from 1943 onwards, it had to protect the population and gain legitimacy. This change strengthened the Resistance and allowed it to gradually impose itself as the authority protecting French interests in the face of Allies whose postwar intentions were increasingly criticized.

This thesis explores the rivalries between Jesuit, Recollect and Sulpician missionaries in the 17th century in New France. Specifically, it examines the polemical discourse about the missionaries, whether it came from religious competitors or from members of the colonial administration. Although these missionaries were all part of a common apostolic project, the sources reveal that different networks were struggling at the time so that some missionaries could enjoy a monopoly over the souls of the colony, while others were relegated to the background. In this nascent Church, several disagreements that raged between these three religious families can help to explain the tensions that we find in their writings. The main issues were the francization of the First Nations and the founding of the bishopric of Quebec. Furthermore, the rivalries between the Jesuits, the Recollects and the Sulpicians went far beyond the spiritual framework and regularly led to commercial issues. Certain missionaries, the Jesuits in particular, were accused throughout the century by various actors of enriching themselves in various ways, and of engaging in the fur trade. Rather than focusing on the veracity of these attacks, this thesis proposes to analyze them and to try to understand their origin and function. These accusations must also be put in relation to the rivalries that the missionaries had to face in their other missions during the same period.

This thesis aims at describing the relations built between the English-speaking minorities of Quebec and France from the end of World War I to the end of the Cold War. Since the 1960s, historiography has emphasized the significance of the “fait français” in the building of Franco-Quebecois ties. Such a narrative, developed during and after the Quiet Revolution, overlooks the existence of numerous connections between Anglo-Quebec and French elites. On the French side, exchanges with the English-speaking business community were encouraged in the name of the intensification of Franco-Canadian trade. On the Anglo-Quebec side, France embodies a civilizational model which knowledge of is an integral part of a legitimate culture – that is clearly distinguished from a folklore-like French-Canadian culture. Based on the study of individual trajectories as well as networks of influence, I intend to qualify French-speaking historiography by bringing to light the official diplomatic and parallel diplomatic ties that unite France and Englishspeaking Quebec. I also aim at showing on which principles and which actions a French influence is built all over an Atlantic space throughout the 20th century.

Near the end of the 7th century, in the anglo-saxon world, Aldhelm of Malmesbury published his opus geminatum, the Prosa and Carmen de uirginitate. He dedicated his work to the nuns of the double monastery of Barking, particularly the abbess Hildelith. The De uirginitate is a treaty on virginity, which includes a theoretical part and catalogs of virginal figures found in hagiographical as well as in Biblical sources. Historiography has tended to underestimate the role of these catalogs within the treaty, portraying them as a mere florilegium without logic. This dissertation will propose that the virginal figures mentioned in the catalogs served as exempla. More specifically, we propose that these characters are exemplary figures whose function is to mirror the theoretical part of the De uirginitate. Ald-helm’s treaty will then appear to possess a double function, which is to defend the double monas-teries and the nuns’ authority in an increasingly hostile environment as well as to serve as a guide to sexual renunciation.

The cultivation of hemp in Canada under the French and British Regimes has long attracted the attention of historians. Until recently, the focus has been on repeated attempts by administrators to develop this culture in Canada. Another element remained largely ignored: the discourse formulated by the colonial authorities on the subject of hemp, an agricultural product as unloved by the Canadian peasantry as it was cherished by the colonial administrators. Whether French or British, the official program, centred on naval supplies (hemp was used in particular for the manufacture of sails and ropes) and associated with mercantilist designs, aimed to replace with Canadian hemp that which successive metropolises import from abroad, mainly from Northern Europe. However, this policy responded only with difficulty to colonial conditions. Despite everything, from Quebec, the colonial administrators, both French and English, persisted for a long time in introducing it, devoting long passages to it in their correspondence with the various ministries in Paris or Versailles, and later in London. By listing the obstacles to hemp culture, they developed a fundamentally stereotyped discourse on the Canadian peasantry, and even on the Creole population in general. These images will have a long life, surviving then change of regime at the Conquest and influencing both contemporary authors and the historical narratives that would be produced until the middle of the 20th century. Nevertheless, there was a learning process. It manifested itself in two stages: in the more lucid formulations of the administrators of the late French Regime and, nearly half a century later, in the agronomic discourse emerging in the vicinity of the Colonial Assembly, more sensitive to the possibilities of local agriculture.

The reign of Charles VI (1380-1422) of France is characterized by several upheavals, the first one being the king's madness, declared in 1392. Despite the military, economic and social crises that shake the kingdom, it is nevertheless a strong time for the establishment of the monarchical State. The instability actually allowed the royal authority to strengthen its positions and to impose its power more effectively, especially in matters of justice. This strengthening is grounded on the Roman law, which had been studied since the 12th century by royal officers, important members of the administration. The present work analyzes the way legal principles inherited from Antiquity are received and engaged in medieval literature to support thoughts on justice. It is based on the study of the writings of four influential royal officers: Nicolas de Clamanges, Jean de Montreuil, Laurent de Premierfait and Guillaume de Tignonville. The concepts borrowed from the classical works are expressed through a double affirmation: a more severe application of royal justice and a more systematic use of the death penalty. If the authors expectations are sometimes incompatible with an exercise of justice guided by clemency, the royal authorities nevertheless tend to sanction more rigorously. The relationship between legal theories and their application is complex, but tends to converge towards the same path, in the context of the affirmation of sovereignty and the fight against crimes that threaten public peace.

In December 1968, Quebec’s provincial government passed two laws introducing universal suffrage in all municipalities on its territory. Residents who are twenty-one or older, provided they were Canadian citizens domiciled in the city for at least a year, were now allowed to vote in the municipal elections. This was also the case for non-residents who owned or rented an apartment block, business, or office in the city. Initially, the City of Montreal refused to abide by the provisions of these laws. It maintained a version of the municipal right to vote on its territory which limited its exercise to certain owners or taxpaying tenants. What was the City's motivation for refusing to follow the provincial government's lead and adopt this reform? My thesis aims to uncover the reasons why the municipality embraced such a choice, which was met at the time with discontent by several activist groups in Montreal. Why limit the exercise of such a fundamental right? To answer this question, I examined the minutes of parliamentary debates, newspaper articles and legislative texts, as well as various historiographical sources. My thesis therefore considers that the City of Montreal supports a form of urban citizenship during the period studied that is meritorious and exclusivist in nature. It opposes the Quebec government’s proposed form of citizenship, which is universal and inclusive but retains certain meritorious characteristics. Furthermore, my thesis argues that Montreal activist groups of the time, grouped within the political party « Front d’action politique », supported a form of urban citizenship that ensured real political equality for Montreal residents, and confronted the political authorities on their definition of citizenship in Montreal.

Political instability in Haiti provided an important backdrop to the election of François Duvalier in September 1957. The new head of state, who soon established an authoritarian dictatorship (notably after 1964) and a hereditary regime (after 1971), justified both his victory and presidency trough a messianic message around the creation of a new Haiti. In the end, the duvalierist regime, stretching close to thirty years, was mostly a period marred by state-sponsored violence. Of the many repercussions of the dictatorship the creation of various Haitian diasporic communities, notably in Montreal, Quebec, during the second half of the 20th century remains one of the most notable. Despite the often critical tone employed by most specialists to make sense of the Duvalier period, Haitians, in Haiti and abroad, have remained divided in their assessment of the authoritarian regime. This doctoral thesis locates the emergence and creation of different collective memory scripts within diasporic communities by focusing on the particular case of the Haitian diaspora in Montreal between 1964 and 2014. By combining an analysis of “traditional” written documents and through the examination oral interviews, this research explores how, at different historical junctures between Quebec and Haiti, this population, marked by its heterogeneity, articulated different visions of the dictatorship in Haiti. This thesis was particularly inspired by the concept of “emblematic memory” advanced by the historian Steve Stern (2004) in his book trilogy which investigated different “memory camps” in post-Pinochet Chile. Our own research contends that the discourses and memories of Duvalierism that were forged within the Haitian diaspora in Quebec did not follow a linear trajectory and fell within a larger project where various conceptualizations of Duvalierist power and its place in Haiti’s national history were contested. It also shows that the very way in which many have understood duvalierism has evolved over time to adapt to new political realities in Haiti and in Quebec. Ultimately, it suggests that any reading of duvalierism, positive or negative, is always located within a broader appreciation (critic) of post-1986 Haiti.

At the turn of the 19th century, after the fall of the Second Empire, France underwent a period of institutional uncertainty. By trying to consildate the new regime, the founders of the Third Republic engaged the country in a period of colonial expansion. The main promoters of the colonial policy, of which Jules Ferry and Léon Gambetta, try to justify it by integrating universalists republicans principles into the colonial discourse. This method of political persuasion will brought to light its share of contradictions. Historiography on the subject tend to consider that there was a consensus among contemporaries. However, several political actors of the Third Republic will oppose colonial expansion, giving rise to an anti-colonialist current, also inspired by republican thought. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine how two different ideological currents, seemingly contradictory, can define their discourse on the basis of the same philosophical roots. Republican ideology is based upon the principles of the Déclaration des droits de l’homme of 1794, which put forward the concepts of equality and liberty. While these principles were upheld in the colonialist discourse, their application in the colonies was constantly put off. In order not to betray their republican heritage, Third Republic thinkers distorted it, through the concepts of « hiérarchie raciale » and « mission civilisatrice ». Colonialist and anti-colonialist speeches will be analyzed in periodicals and contemporary publications, in addition to numerous speeches from the Chambre des députés (Chamber of Deputies). This dissertation examines studies how republican thought supports both colonialist and anti-colonialist discourse. In that perspective, the analysis of the arguments opposing colonization demonstrates that a stable and lasting anti-colonialist current was clearly present under the Third Republic.

This master's thesis examines the creation in the United States of the Committee on Public Information (CPI) and its deployment in Europe, and analyzes the relationship that developed between its director, George Creel, and President Woodrow Wilson. The archives used for this research are letters and documents, dated from 1916 to 1920, from the Woodrow Wilson Papers in the Library of Congress in Washington. Upon the entry of the United States into the war in April 1917, the government - following a trend of thought emerging in the nineteenth century on the power of public opinion - became aware of the importance of maintaining enthusiasm for the war among its population, which led to the creation of the CPI. This "propaganda" committee was not originally intended to extend beyond American borders. It was only after the revolution in Russia in the fall of 1917 and the fear of seeing this ally leave the war that the idea of exporting American democratic values and Wilsonian ideas around the world took shape in order to keep the allied populations mobilized and prepare the ground for the post-war period. Far from restricting itself to Russia, the committee extended its work to other Entente countries and neutrals, with the aim of eventually reaching the populations of the central empires. An analysis of the exchanges between the President and George Creel highlights the close collaboration between the two men and the interdependence that developed between them during the war. The CPI found in the President a valuable support in order to assert its authority and thus reach a wider public, despite the sharp criticism coming from the diplomatic personnel posted abroad who was suspicious of the committee's objectives and methods. In return, the President benefits from an organization dedicated to showcasing his ideals in the United States and around the world. This dissertation is the first research to examine the work of the CPI on the European continent globally.

This thesis will consider the sound atmosphere (including cries, speech, noises and moments of silence) and music in the cults of the Great Mother, Dionysus and Demeter in Archaic and Classical Greece and their roles and meanings. Until recently, the audible component of Greek cults has rarely been considered by historical reconstructions. However, it played a fundamental role both in ritual practice and tales. These two expressions of religion – ritual practice and tales – are inextricably linked in ancient storytelling, just as representations inspired by the rituals are rife with imaginary elements. Examining different types of sources – of which the literary works and painted vases are the most numerous and enlightening – and considering the various cultural ingredients (tales and ritual practice, the imaginary and the real) as a coherent whole can provide insight into the phonosphere unique to each god in striking ways. This comprehensive approach leads to a better understanding of the religious experience of the Greeks, including certain phenomena that remain controversial today, such as maenadism and ecstatic ritual. The sources reveal that through their communicative power, music, sounds and silence filled specific functions in the ritual practices and tales. While some sounds and music were intended to please the god and hence gain favour, others bearing the god’s sonic signature held sway over mortals during rituals as a moment of personal contact with the divine. In certain cases, this aural sway could bring healing and a balancing of internal instability. Moreover, the sound vocabulary found in the literature almost invariably carries meaning that makes it possible to recognize the world and divine figures it describes. Cataloguing the sound vocabularies of individual cults/deities helps identify the relationships between certain gods. This in turn can clarify interpretations of certain passages in the literature. Similarly, research on musical instruments reveals tastes and trends, which could be attributed to the significant 5 changes in the religious and political spheres of Athens in the late 5th century BC. For example, the progressive introduction of the tympanum to the Dionysian world starting in the first half of the 5th century BC suggests that Athenians appropriated the cult of the Great Mother and the instrument most commonly associated with it. This observation, based on contemporary accounts, corroborates the distinction Athenians made between an ancestral religion and an “additional” multifaceted one. In that respect, investigating the sound atmosphere in these cults improves our understanding of not only the cults themselves, but also Athenian society as a whole and the milestone events that shaped it. Studying the sounds and their place and function in ritual practice and tales deepens our knowledge of Greek religion and the methods of communication it established between the realms of mortals and the gods. It also allows us to better characterize the social and cultural environments in which it developed

This M.A thesis studies the Paris 1900 World’s Fair through the analysis of newspaper articles in La Presse and La Patrie. In doing so, this research situates itself at the crossroads of numerous historiographical fields. In the second half of the 19th century, both the press and the World’s Fair undergo significant changes. These changes affects newspapers in the way they look and are printed, but also in their content. For the World’s Fair, they evolve and culminate in the celebration of the 19th century in Paris in 1900. The changes affecting the press and the World’s Fair beg questions such as : How is the press talking about the presence of Quebec and French Canada at the Fair? What place do the Others take in the press discourse regarding the Fair? Is there a difference between the discourse surrounding the European nations, and those that are viewed as « Oriental » nations at the Fair? Firstly the newspaper articles that make up our body of sources are separated into four different categories: advertising, political articles, entertainment articles and chronicles. This analysis, though not exhaustive, will examine the significance that the Paris 1900 Wold’s Fair had in the La Presse and La Patrie newspapers. Secondly, the discursive analysis of these articles helps us understand the way Canada presents itself at the Fair. The press reveals how the Canadian exhibits were displayed, and consequently how the country tried to present itself on the international stage. The newspaper’s discourse also illustrates Canada’s will to appear on the same level as other euroamerican « civilized » nations, such as France, Germany or even the United- States, both culturally and economically. Also, the newspaper exposes how Canada perceived the Occident and it’s racialized view of other races. The later are often exhibited during the Fair in « human spectacles » that occasionally take place throughout the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. Canada’s presentation of itself at the World’s Fair and the broad strokes of Canada’s ideals at the time, as shown through the newspaper articles, demonstrates unequal racial power relationships stemming from the justification of Occident’s colonial domination grounded in a European scientific racialism.

This master’s thesis aims to shed light on why many episodes of violent collective behavior occurred in the contiones during the last century of the Roman Republic (133-44 BC). To get there, we have drawn on an analytical framework specialized in the understanding of intergroup conflict and recently used by historians: social psychology. We mainly used the Social Identity Theory because it is considered the most comprehensive in explaining intergroup behavior at both the societal and crowd levels. It turns out that the appearance of violence in the contiones can be explained both by reasons related to the political, social and economic context of Roman society in the first two centuries BC and by factors specific to this type of assembly. Drawing on recent studies, our analysis began by showing that the political and economic context of Rome caused divisions between the groups that constituted it. By considering this fragmentation, we were able to recognize the presence of factors that encouraged intergroup conflicts on a macro scale. We then looked separately at the two distinctive features of contiones (an audience assembled and a speaker discoursed) to determine how they contributed to violent outbursts. Our analysis suggested that contiones were one of the few contexts in which assembled individuals categorized their peers according to their political group membership and where a speaker could influence the dynamics that developed between these groups. Given the troubled state of Roman society, the contiones provided a fertile environment for intergroup conflict.

Since the 1960s, the history of slavery and that of the Atlantic Revolutions have carved out a significant place in the historiography. These developments have had a beneficial effect on the representation of populations of African origin in the historical literature, contributing in particular to putting the Haitian Revolution back on the map in the 1990s and 2000s. The purpose of this thesis is to examine a few works on the various revolutions of the Americas, namely the American, the Haitian and the South American, in order to study the changing importance that historians attribute to the agency of black people, and principally to slaves. The first chapter follows the evolution of this historiography by submitting to serial analysis the bibliography assembled by Aline Helg in Slaves No More!, before examining the pioneering works of Anna Julia Cooper and C.L.R. James and a sort of prehistory of the notion of the Atlantic revolution. The second chapter focuses on a selection of work individually targeting the different revolutions of the Americas, in order to observe the treatment of slaves’ roles. The last deals with the treatment of the agency of slaves in four surveys published between 1988 and 2016 covering summarily or in detail the various American revolutions.

This paper examines the document “Ponte para o futuro” (“Bridge to the future”), a neoliberal political platform implemented in Brazil after President Dilma Rousseff was deposed in 2016. The work shows that these policies have resulted in the systematic dismantling of public institutions and social policies, leading to a deterioration and decline in the population’s quality of life, referred to in this essay as “demodernization”. The primary motivation for conducting this study is the realization that the process that led to demodernization in Brazil has similarities with events observed in other countries, revealing an intentionality in the process. Aside from the differences specific to each country, demodernization follows a predetermined path. In Brazil’s case, the roadmap that establishes the steps to be followed to achieve a change in the political and economic regime is explained in detail in the “Bridge to the Future” plan. The aim of this study is to gain a better understanding of the notion of demodernization, and to verify whether the “Bridge to the Future” plan can be considered an inflection point that marks the change of course towards a neoliberal state. This work also seeks to fill certain gaps to enable a better understanding of the country’s recent history between 2013 and 2018, and to offer a contribution to studies on Latin America and Brazil in the light of the notion of demodernization

This thesis explores the territorial dispossession of the Ojibway people by the Canadian government in all its dimensions – be it economical, political but especially cultural. The analysis, greatly indebted to cultural geography, aspect too often poorly considered in the traditional narratives of settler colonialism, is the principal theme of this work. The type case is the Ojibway of the Garden River First Nation, between 1815 and 1860. By the figure of Shingwaukonse, this community held a very active diplomatic activity with the British crown, by the contact with representatives of its Canadian colonies. The trail it left allows us to see the total dispossession that necessitates settler colonialism. To successfully tackle this project, it is imperative to reframe the narrative of the Sault-Sainte-Marie region in all of it cross-border character, to address the multiple colonial dynamics felt by regional Anishinaabeg. This narrative starts on a vast geographical scale associated with the British Empire, before stopping on the specific ways this group lived their identities when faced with these new dispossessions.

Privateering was at its all-time high in the eighteenth century, specifically during the War of Spanish Succession (1701-1713). The increase in this activity had particular consequences in the colonies and, in fact, precipitated the foundation of the first admiralty in French North America, at Plaisance. Colonial admiralties were to follow the instructions of the Ordonnance de la Marine of 1681, just like their French counterparts. While there are a few studies of the judgement of prizes in metropolitan admiralties, there are no studies that examine in detail how this procedure unfolded in colonial admiralties. This thesis asks, therefore, the following question: how did the colonial admiralties judge prizes in the eighteenth century, specifically from 1690 to 1760, in the ports of Plaisance, Québec and Louisbourg? To answer this question, the responses of the Admiral of France in the subseries G5 were used to make a preliminary statistical portrait to illuminate the main characteristics of captured prizes and their adjudication in the colonies (chapter 1). Then, records of proceedings of the Admiralty of Plaisance from the subseries G5 were used to reconstitute the judgement of prizes in detail and to identify the similarities and differences between colonial and metropolitan adjudication. Finally, in order to better understand the place of privateering in the admiralty’s overall activity, we examined how the volume of these cases compared to that of other types before the same institution. To do so, we consulted the fonds de l’amirauté de Québec and the fonds de l’amirauté de Louisbourg, with the notarized records of Plaisance. This analysis allowed us to see the particular role played by the admiralty in each port, a role shaped by the latter’s socioeconomic and geographic character (chapter 3). Main findings of the study include the similarity in procedures in metropolitan and colonial admiralties as well as the specific adaptations that were made to the colonial context.

This thesis explores feasting in Norway and Iceland during the 12th and 13th centuries. The subject of this work, often only merely mentioned by historiography, aims to fill this need by painting a general picture of banquets during the chosen time period. We aim to specifically address the topic by garnering exceptional details present in historical documents. This study also wishes to establish the various roles played by banquets by following two main axes. The first one sees the feast serving as a conveyer of social cohesion and friendships and also as a building tool for relationships. Inversely, the second exposes how feasts could serve more hostile purposes, notably distinguishing every attendee and underlining social inequalities among a given group. We also aim to categorize feasts, to identify their uses and their breadth. Through these efforts, we also identify unique traits that define this practice around western Scandinavia, but also the differences it entertains against other European regions. Finally, this study aims to touch on the transmission of customs surrounding feasting from Norway to Iceland incidental to increasing political relationships. To achieve the aforementioned goals, we solicited the use legal texts from both regions, king sagas, contemporary sagas, as well as documents coming from the Norwegian court.