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Nous traçons un portrait de l'évolution de la ségrégation professionnelle selon le sexe au 20ième siècle, et de ses conséquences sur la condition féminine dans le marché du travail. Dans la première partie du 20ième siècle, la ségrégation professionnelle hiérarchique ou verticale a considérablement décliné alors que les travailleuses quittaient les emplois de domestique et du secteur manufacturier en faveur des emplois de bureau. Ceci créa néanmoins une importante ségrégation professionnelle horizontale qui persiste jusqu'à aujourd'hui. Pour étudier les effets de la ségrégation professionnelle sur l'écart salarial selon le sexe, nous présentons une technique de décomposition qui divise l'écart salarial en deux composantes: l'une due aux différences intra-occupations et l'autre due aux différences inter-occupations. Depuis le début des années 90, la composante intra-occupation est prédominante. /// We document the evolution of occupational gender segregation and its implications for women's labour market outcomes over the twentieth century. The first half of the century saw a considerable decline in vertical segregation as women moved out of domestic and manufacturing work into clerical work. This created a substantial amount of horizontal segregation that persists to this day. To study the effects of occupational segregation on the gender gap, we introduce a decomposition technique that divides the gap into between-occupation and within-occupation components. Since the 1990s the component attributable to within-occupation wage differentials has become predominant.
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The phrase ἐν Ἐρινείᾳ τῇ Μεγαρέων κώμῃ (« in the Megarian village of Erineia ») at Pausanias 1, 44, 5 may perhaps be emended to ἐν Ἐρινιάτῃ Μεγαρέων κώμῃ (« in the Megarian village of Eriniates ») based on the testimony of Stephanos of Byzantion (s. u. Ἐρινιάτης), who cites Eriniates as the eponymous founder of the village. Although this reading has always been taken to be a copyist's mistake, Stephanos may have had some source other than Pausanias that provided the detail concerning the founder. Attempts to identify any of the otherwise unnamed ancient sites in Megaris with Eriniates must remain speculative.
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Au printemps 1999, la participation de la RFA aux bombardements de VOTAN sur la RFY a constitué une étape clef de la « normalisation » de la politique étrangère et de sécurité allemande. Le premier objectif de cet article consiste à analyser les réactions de l'Allemagne durant toute la crise. Cet examen permet de voir que non seulement le gouvernement a participé aux « frappes aériennes » mais qu'il a largement contribué aux mesures d'aide humanitaire et à la solution diplomatique ayant mis un terme au conflit. En second lieu, nous analysons ces actions en relation avec la rhétorique du gouvernement pendant la crise. Notre but consiste ici à identifier la part des intérêts nationaux et celle de la morale dans les motivations allemandes. Pour ce faire, la théorie de la guerre juste est utilisée. Nous concluons que si le gouvernement allemand et I'OTAN pouvaient moralement recourir à la coercition dans le cas du Kosovo, la conduite de cette guerre ne correspondait pas aux critères de l'éthique de la guerre juste. Bien que la raison d'État n'exclût pas les considérations morales, la première primait probablement sur les secondes dans l'esprit des décideurs allemand
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From the sixteenth century, the Cossacks became more and more submissive to the authority of the tsar, but remained in some regions of their own, especially the Don. Their military ability and their utilization as cavalry in defense and offensive activities defined their role within the Empire. ln return, they received many honorary and material benefits. Sorne occasional revolts did not weaken the link between the Cossacks and the tsar. But at the turn of the twentieth century, the situation in the country was fragile. The Cossacks were not spared by the difficulties of the population and they had the same demands. The troubles continued until the revolution of october 1917, followed by a civil war that particularly hit the south of the country and lasted until 1920. Taking into account the privileged relations the Cossacks had with the regime, and the myth that described them as great defenders of the tsar, we have to ask ourselves what their real political attitude was towards and during the revolutionary episode. That is the question this thesis tries to answer. ln doing so, we will study the western historiography, francophone and anglophone, since the time of the contemporary authors until the most recent trends. The interpretation of the events of October arose historiographical schools and diff erent visions : some reduced them to a coup d'Etat and others saw a real revolution. On the other hand, the historians agree on lots of questions in their global analysis of the political behaviour of Cossacks. Thus, according to our analysis, the Cossacks had a tendency to opt for neutrality and showed ambivalence towards the two belligerent of the Civil war. They gave their support and took a stand with the side that was more qualified to defend their interests at this or that moment and their aims were foremost separatist.
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- 2000-2009 (261)