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This framework seems to mesh with the economic history of Canada's two central provinces, Ontario and Quebec, around the mid-twentieth century. Quebec was clearly the labour-abundant province, Ontario the capital-abundant region. Many labour reforms were first introduced in Ontario because it was the wealthier region. Since the two regions remained relatively large trading partners - as they were as long as tariffs protected Canadian industry - Quebec had an incentive to match Ontario's labour standards. ( 16) Thus, as long as Canada had effective tariff protection, producers and workers in the export industries in both regions benefited from rising labour standards, while consumers all across the country suffered, a result that was clearly not in the general interest. Since there was an incentive to overprotect, Ottawa's intervention in this area did not come up against provincial antagonism. In fact, sub-national authorities would have welcomed a central authority to coordinate standards. Richard Block and Karen Roberts (2000) provide the most exhaustive study of labour standards as they were in the late 1990s. Their results show a more consistent pattern. They divide provincial, territorial and federal labour standards for 1998 into nine categories reproduced in Table 3. ( 19) Each category is itself a composite of several indicators. Thus the category "paid time off" comprises, but is not restricted to, the variables found in Table 2. The calculation of the index value for each category followed a two-step procedure. First, individual provisions or labour standards in each category were given an index value that was greater the higher the level of employee protection; secondly, each provision was given a weight to represent its importance in its category. ( 20) There is some degree of arbitrariness in all this but, given the large number of standards included in the exercise, it would be expected that errors of commission would cancel out. The first two columns of Table 4 report the sum of the index values (nine labour standards and employment insurance) and the sum of the index values after each provision was deflated by an estimate of coverage. The higher the value, the greater the degree of labour protection. The last column of Table 4 gives the ranking of labour protection of each province and territory in North America in descending order. ( 21 ) Jurisdiction Minimum wage Over-time Paid time off Worker's compensation Federal 4.28 10.00 6.27 6.77 Alberta 1.52 (12) 7.28 (7) 7.61 (2) 6.69 (10) British Columbia 7.04 (1) 10.00 (1) 6.27 (4) 8.58 (3) Manitoba 2.44 (6) 10.00 (1) 5.89 (8) 6.54 (11) New Brunswick 2.44 (6) 3.21 (12) 5.38 (11) 5.99 (12) Newfoundland 2.44 (6) 4.57 (11) 5.53 (10) 7.25 (9) North West Territories 6.12 (3) 10.00 (1) 6.27 (4) 8.82 (1) Nova Scotia 2.44 (6) 1.85 (1) 5.71 (9) 7.32 (8) Ontario 6.12 (3) 7.28 (7) 6.07 (7) 7.64 (7) Prince Edward Island 2.44 (6) 5.92 (10) 5.20 (12) 7.72 (6) Quebec 6.12 (3) 7.28 (7) 7.23 (3) 8.35 (5) Saskatchewan 2.44 (6) 10.00 (1) 9.11 (1) 8.66 (2) Yukon 7.04 (1) 10.00 (1) 6.27 (4) 8.43 (4) Jurisdiction Collective Employment Unjust Occupational Advance notice bargaining equity discharge safety of plant closing and health largescale layoffs Federal 6.00 9.00 7.00 4.33 5.53 Alberta 6.00 (9) 8.10 (11) 7.00 3.07 (5) 0.00 (11) British Columbia 10.00 (1) 8.60 (5) 7.00 3.20 (2) 7.89 (1) Manitoba 9.00 (3) 9.10 (1) 7.00 3.13 (4) 6.03 (5) New Brunswick 8.00 (8) 8.10 (11) 7.00 2.11 (10) 5.71 (6) Newfoundland 9.00 (3) 8.60 (5) 7.00 2.08 (11) 5.03 (8) North West Territories 6.00 (9) 9.00 (3) 7.00 2.18 (8) 3.21 (10) Nova Scotia 6.00 (9) 9.10 (1) 7.00 2.18 (8) 6.37 (4) Ontario 9.00 (3) 8.50 (9) 7.00 3.24 (1) 7.03 (2) Prince Edward Island 9.00 (3) 8.60 (5) 7.00 1.87 (12) 0.00 (11) Quebec 10.00 (1) 9.00 (3) 7.00 2.63 (7) 4.50 (9) Saskatchewan 9.00 (3) 8.60 (5) 7.00 3.00 (6) 6.87 (3) Yukon 6.00 (9) 8.50 (9) 7.00 3.17 (3) 5.21 (7)

Based largely on the Fifteenth Annual Report of the U.S. Department of Labor, published in 1900, we have built a sample of wages and hours for roughly fifty countries in six continents that covers the period 1890-1900. The Report, which is drawn from official (national) publications, gives information on normal or usual hours and earnings per week at the establishment level. To our knowledge, this is the most extensive data set of its kind totaling about 15,000 observations. We combine the data set with other country-specific evidence to derive implications about labour supply. The data reveal a cross-country supply curve that was markedly backward-bending. In addition, for a given wage level, we find a positive relation between a country's per-capita income and work hours. We interpret the patterns by proposing a standard utility function in consumption and hours of work, where a minimal level of consumption is introduced as a constraint. We interpret that minimum more broadly than biological subsistence. Rather minimal consumption is assumed to increase with the average income of a country. We also explore the possible role of climate in affecting the consumption constraint. Given the size of the data set, although coverage is uneven, we are able to estimate labour supply curves within countries and regions, in addition to making overall comparisons of work hours across countries. Our preliminary work suggests that a consumption constraint played a key role in the negative relation between wages and hours of work within countries, and that across countries higher average incomes, which effectively raised the constraint, promoted greater work hours.

This paper brings a historical perspective to debates on worktime differences across OECD countries, exploiting new data sets on hours of work per week, and days and hours of work per year between 1870 and 2000. We contest the popular view that the divergence in worktimes between Europe and North America and Australia is a recent phenomenon. Since 1870 the decline in weekly and annual hours was consistently greater in the Old World; the New World has had fewer days off for the last 130years. Labor power and inequality, held to be important determinants of worktime after 1970, had comparable effects in the period before 1913. We find that given their levels of income in 1870 New World workers supplied relatively too many hours of work.

Standard trade theory, as invoked by political scientists and economists, would anticipate that workers in Belgium, a small Old World country, rich in labour relative to land, were in a good position to benefit from the wave of globalization before 1914. However, wage increases remained modest and ‘labour’ moved slowly towards adopting a free-trade position. Beginning in 1885, the Belgian labour party backed free trade, but its support was conditional on more and better social legislation. Belgian workers' wellbeing improved in the wave of globalization, but the vehicle was labour and social legislation and not rising wages.

Globalisation is often accused of unleashing a race to the bottom in labour regulation and social protection. The evidence suggests otherwise. This column explains how, historically, trade itself was a path to better labour regulation and social entitlements.

Critique de cinéma, cAlî Abû Shâdî devient censeur au ministère de la Culture avant d’être promu directeur de l’Organisme des palais de la culture. En sa nouvelle qualité, il fait publier, en janvier 2001, dans l’une des collections de l’Organisme (« Voix littéraires »), trois nouveaux romans jugés « pornographiques » par un député récemment élu, affilié aux Frères musulmans. Indigné par cette littérature qu’il juge attentatoire à la pudeur, ce dernier soulève la question devant le parlement,...

Whereas much of the literature on women and the French Revolution continues to see political activity as incommensurate with a desire to behave properly as a woman, studying the correspondence of Marie-Jeanne Roland from 1788 to 1793 shows how she combined political action with respect for gender norms in the last six years of her life. Both while living in the countryside near Lyon and in Paris itself, Roland assumed three roles which she deemed proper to a woman patriot: inciting revolutionary action, formulating policy, and informing others of revolutionary events. The importance of each of these roles shifted with changes in political climate, as did Roland’s conception of what constituted appropriate female behaviour. What made these changes possible was Roland’s ability both to adapt her political strategy to her circumstance and to create a mutable gender code to fit her political needs.

Being women provided them with a particular perspective, expressed first-hand through their letters. Dalton shows how Lespinasse, Roland, Renier Michiel, and Mosconi grappled with differences of ideology, social status, and community, often through networks that mixed personal and professional relations, thus calling into question the actual separation between public and private spheres. Building on the work of Dena Goodman and Daniel Gordon, Dalton shows how a variety of conflicts were expressed in everyday life and sheds new light on Venice as an important eighteenth-century cultural centre.

One of the most famous Venetian women of her time, Isabella Teotochi Albrizzi (1760-1836) was known not only for her salon, but also for her published works. One of these pieces, Teotochi Albrizzi's Ritratti (1807), a series of literary portraits, reveals Europe's concern over the simulation of virtue in a society beginning to judge merit by behavior and self-presentation rather than birth. Teotochi Albrizzi's portraits demonstrate the strategies used to discern character and how the author drew on ideas concerning sexual difference in the realm of aesthetics to address concerns raised by shifting practices of sociability.

In the age of the Grand Tour, foreigners flocked to Italy to gawk at its ruins and paintings, enjoy its salons and cafés, attend the opera, and revel in their own discovery of its past. But they also marveled at the people they saw, both male and female. In an era in which castrati were "rock stars," men served women as cicisbei, and dandified Englishmen became macaroni, Italy was perceived to be a place where men became women. The great publicity surrounding female poets, journalists, artists, anatomists, and scientists, and the visible roles for such women in salons, academies, and universities in many Italian cities also made visitors wonder whether women had become men. Such images, of course, were stereotypes, but they were nonetheless grounded in a reality that was unique to the Italian peninsula. This volume illuminates the social and cultural landscape of eighteenth-century Italy by exploring how questions of gender in music, art, literature, science, and medicine shaped perceptions of Italy in the age of the Grand Tour.

At the heart of the debate surrounding the development of cities in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries lies the resource and fundamental dimension of the

This chapter provides an overview of the situation in Montreal and Toronto in the second half of the nineteenth century, a time when municipal government was

Pour 2 => 79-01072

Überlegungen zum Zusammenhang der in der Liste des 1. Jh. (=> 62-04700) genannten Namen mit den Eleusinischen Mysterien.

Dans la 10e épigramme, l'identité exacte du Timarque décédé demeure un mystère jusqu'au troisième vers, une situation qui permet à Callimaque de pousser son lecteur à tenter de découvrir par lui-même de quel personnage il pouvait s'agir. Pour ce faire, il multiplie certains indices métaphysiques qui semblent désigner Timarque de Chéronée. Cette allusion offre la première attestation d'un mythe philosophique qu'on croyait n'être qu'une invention tardive de Plutarque et confirme l'importance de l'épisode de Timarque dans les traditions de l'oracle de Trophonios. Le poème lui-même pourrait avoir été destiné à un Timarque historique ; il peut aussi faire allusion à une figure de fantaisie. Pour 1 => 77-13464

Un article de la revue Bulletin d'histoire politique, diffusée par la plateforme Érudit.

Cet article propose de revisiter un événement historique déjà étudié, l’émeute de Lachine de 1812, en mettant l’accent sur le rôle, sur le profil social et sur les réseaux de relations des principaux acteurs de cette contestation populaire contre la conscription de miliciens dans l’ouest de l’île de Montréal au début de la guerre de 1812. Les études consacrées à cette émeute ont, malgré leurs divergences sur le bien-fondé de l’action des émeutiers, présenté un monde rural coupé de la ville pourtant proche, de ses idées et de ses réseaux d’information. De plus, ces études ont négligé de manière générale la question du mode d’organisation politique et de la direction de ce type de révoltes populaires. L’opposition des paysans à la conscription était assimilée à une réaction spontanée d’habitants plus ou moins conscients de la portée réelle de leur action. Nous proposons de renverser cette perspective en mettant à l’avant-scène l’étude du groupe d’individus, dont certains sont des membres de l’élite locale, qui assurent la coordination de cette émeute. En somme, nous voulons montrer la dimension organisée et surtout hiérarchisée de cette contestation, de même que son insertion dans des horizons plus larges que celui de la communauté locale.

L’avènement de la démocratie scolaire au Québec remonte à 1829 lors de la mise en place des écoles de syndics. Ce nouveau système scolaire prévoit pour la première fois la mise en place d’une instance politique locale composée de représentants élus. Malgré son existence éphémère, cette institution mérite l’attention des chercheurs compte tenu de son importance dans les campagnes à la veille des Rébellions de 1837-1838 et de sa portée historique sur le développement de la démocratie scolaire. Cet article propose une sociographie des syndics élus dans la région de Montréal sous ce système scolaire entre 1829 et 1836.