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On February 29th, 1704, a force of 250 French and Amerindian allies attacked the small border village of Deerfield, Massachusetts and kidnapped 112 inhabitants, 89 of whom made it alive to New France. At the end of the War of the Spanish Succession, 25 of these captives stayed among the French or the Amerindians. For a long time, they had the status of captives, English or simply, foreigners. This work aims to reconstitute the course of life and integration of the former Deerfield captives in the French colony. We shall first identify the participants in the attack on Deerfield. Turning our attention to the captives, we shall study the process of their integration into the colony and their assimilation by religion. We shall examine the modalities of adoption of the captives by the colonists and the Amerindians. We shall also see what was the influence of marriage on the insertion of captives into Canadian social networks. Finally, we shall analyze the social and occupational status and the social reproduction of the immediate descendants of some of these captives.

The Franco-Prussian War (or Franco-German War) of 1870-71 was a major conflict, where the outcome dramatically changed the balance of power in Europe, including the emergence of the German Empire. However, it has been forgotten. Although since the late nineteenth century it was widely discussed by historians, the issue of liability with respect to its outbreak remains a matter of debate. While some historians believe that this war was deliberately provoked by Bismarck in order to complete the unification of Germany, others believe that the responsibility was shared and that this conflict was simply inevitable in the context of the worsening of Franco-German relations, since the Austrian defeat at Königgrätz (Sadowa), in 1866. This thesis aims to dissociate itself from these interpretations by providing new insight regarding the role played by Bismarck during the “preliminaries” (Vorgeschichte) of 1870. Through the use of primary sources and German, French and Anglo-Saxon historiography, it will be shown first that the Hohenzollern candidature for the Spanish throne was not “made” voluntarily by the chief of the Prussian diplomacy to complement the German unification, but was promoted first and foremost for reasons of political prestige. Secondly, the famous Ems telegram amended by Bismarck cannot be seen as the trigger of this conflict, as the decision to go to war was taken in Paris before the negative effects of the message were felt. Finally, through its need of a political and diplomatic success that would have consolidated the Second Empire by forgetting earlier setbacks, through its refusal to show full satisfaction with the withdrawal of the Hohenzollern candidature and through the misconduct of its foreign policy in general, France adopted a bellicose position and found itself alone in a war it could neither prevent nor prepare. The issue in Paris was ultimately not the peaceful settlement of disputes with Prussia, but the perpetuation of French dominance on the European continent.

Historians have tried to determine what francophones read during the long 18th century for over a hundred years. To do so, they have studied library inventories, printing permits, and the archives of printer-editors, but these sources are fragmentary and of uncertain representativeness. This thesis reframes the question by studying, with a combination of computational methods and close reading, large digitized corpora that approximate the entire French-language print market of the long 18th century. Using these vast corpora, the thesis proposes and demonstrates that it is possible to pinpoint ideas to which readers were probably exposed frequently enough that the ideas influenced the readers’ mental maps of the world, regardless of what precise texts were involved in each case. Thus, the thesis shows that digital approaches constitute a major new tool for historians of reading and print, including (under some circumstances) when the only data at their disposal is OCR results plagued with high error rates. As an illustrative case study, the thesis examines imagined geographies, i.e., mental models of the world produced by exposition to print media containing direct or indirect descriptions of territories and their inhabitants. Concepts drawn from psychology, behavioural economics and media studies suggest how readers may have interiorized the messages transmitted by print and used them, consciously or not, to build their own imagined geographies. A study of some 70 000 volumes printed in French between 1700 and 1815, extracted from the Hathi Trust collection, shows that the Europe discussed in print expands eastward with time, that England draws most of the attention, and that discourses regarding most of the European powers are both remarkably stable and centred on war and aristocracy. Studies of major periodicals, cheap popular booklets (the Bibliothèque bleue), geography manuals and Raynal’s Histoire des deux Indes corroborate these findings. Examining the 14,547 geography articles published in Diderot’s Encyclopédie reveals a largely urban imagined geography that changes focus during publication, from Diderot’ purely descriptive science to a tool for cultural transmission when Louis de Jaucourt takes over primary writing duties; a parallel study of 6,053 articles drawn from all fields of knowledge shows that the Encyclopédie describes America as a young world rich in resources, primarily botanical, that are ripe for the taking. The way in which the colonial French Atlantic world is portrayed in the Ancien Régime’s main periodicals suggests that they may have played a role in the French public’s notoriously low interest for emigration to the colonies. Travel narratives of expeditions to the Pacific and around the world show tensions between the step-by-step construction of a utilitarian geography and the need to retain readers’ interest by multiplying picturesque or terrifying anecdotes. In all, print media propose to their readers imagined geographies that treat the outside world with distrust.

This thesis studies the charters of donations of two monastic establishments of the Ile-de-France in the twelfth century: the priory Saint-Martin-des-Champs and the abbey Saint-Pierre-de-Montmartre. This research concerning 160 ecclesiastical charters is based on the analysis of the social and religious relations that follows from the gifts offered by French royalty and aristocracy to these two monasteries. The overall objective is to highlight that the practice of donation plays a central role during medieval society and that it has engendered, perpetuated and consolidated religious and social interactions in linking them to the ideological framework of the ecclesia. The first stage of this research examines the anthropological and medieval historiographies of the gift and on the practice of donation in the Middle Ages. Then, we establish the historical context on the Île-de-France region during the reign of Louis VI, Louis VII and Philippe II, so between 1108 and 1223. The last step analyzes the practice of donating to The Middle Ages from a social point of view, among others the relations that are established by repeated donations between aristocratic families and the two monasteries under study. We also investigate the religious ideology surrounding the gift as a means of apprehending the salvation of the soul for the actors who, by this practice, are running the salutary spiritual mechanisms for their redemption. Finally, we address the global implications that affect the whole of medieval society, including public ceremonies and donation confirmations by the aristocratic and religious elite.

Cannibals, caravans under the burning desert sun, “Wild Indians” of the Northwest… these were just some of the exotic images that Quebec schoolchildren were presented with in the 19th century. In addition to being a vehicle for socialization into the nation, the school was also a window onto the wider world and a place to learn about stereotypes. What images of the Other, and produced by which ideologies, did Quebec schools transmit? How did Quebec youth become conscious of “otherness”? What recreative and pedagogical functions did these images serve? This thesis is an effort to answer these questions. The first three chapters of the thesis explore the rhetorical construction of otherness in the school. How was the Other identified and depicted? The rhetoric of otherness took many forms, from cultural distancing to racial essentializing. European imperialism and the knowledge it produced facilitated the classification of the world’s peoples, from which were drawn those peoples who had different and “bizarre” cultural practices. Consistent with the history of Orientalism, such fascination was particularly reserved for the peoples of Asia. But, as radical as the otherness of the Oriental could be, it did not attain the level of essentialization imposed on the “Negro,” defined by their race, and to the “Savage,” whose body was the primary indicator of their identity. Finally, the significant role that the figure of the Indian played in primary-level education is a reminder that it was key to realizing the very possibility of a national existence for Canadians – who were themselves essentialized as belonging to the civilized world. Far from having only been in the background of history, the Indian was at the heart of the narrative as the figure most likely to capture the interest of children. Retaining the interest of children was precisely what the pedagogy of the era was most concerned with as a means to develop various capacities, such as the power of observation and emotion, both of which the latter chapters of this thesis examines. Fascinated by the images they observed, children were exposed to a stereotyped representation of the Other that manifested itself across multiple disciplines. In employing the travel narratives of the European explorers, geography called upon students to imagine themselves elsewhere. The schoolwork of students explored here reveals their curiosity about and imaginings of far-off regions and peoples. Finally, we also see how a missionary rhetoric manipulated the emotional reactions of schoolchildren to poor non-Christian children and thereby used the school to transmit its message. The school setting ensured that children acquired a sense of authority over the Others that the educational discourse presented to them. The knowledge of the Others gave them a sense of superiority and authority. The school also transmitted a hierarchical vision of the world in which Canadian children, even those of the popular classes, belonged to the more privileged categories, that is to say to the white race and civilization. This highlights one of the central findings of this research: children were not defined as French-Canadians or English-Canadians vis-à-vis the Other; rather, they were defined as white and civilized. This thesis also shows how otherness was a pedagogical tool that public education privileged amid its expansion in the 19th century.

Cette recherche analyse les concepts de confiance et de réputation par l’entremise de procès intentés pour libelle diffamatoire entre les années l791 et 1815 dans le district de Montréal. L’étude montre que la réputation, protégée juridiquement, est un régulateur de l’espace public. Elle contrôle les discours, les correspondances et tout autre écrit qu’un individu pourrait juger diffamants. En plus d’encadrer la liberté d’expression, la réputation structure le marché économique montréalais. Elle se présente comme l’un des moyens mis à la disposition des créditeurs comme des débiteurs pour créer la confiance. Inversement, sa flétrissure compromet l’échange. La réputation sera donc analysée dans ce mémoire comme l’une des formes de régulation sociale des rapports interindividuels au tournant du 19e siècle.

Ce mémoire explore l’influence de l’évolution des représentations historiques des rébellions des patriotes, telles que formulées par les historiens réputés, sur les manuels scolaires québécois publiés entre 1982 et 2006. Il démontre qu’entre ces deux années, qui correspondent à deux réformes scolaires successives, les conceptions des rébellions de 1837 ont beaucoup évolué dans l’historiographie universitaire. Ce mémoire montre pourtant que les manuels scolaires issus de la réforme de 2006 demeurent attachés à un récit historique caractéristique d’une historiographie plus ancienne.

In the twentieth century, a multitude of people used psychoanalysis to explain their actions and gestures to one another. Their reliance on psychoanalysis, is an indication of how deeply they trusted its theories. This wide and profound diffusion, which has left a very strong impression on contemporary culture, remains however largely unexplained. This puzzling phenomenon becomes intelligible, from the moment one treats psychoanalysis as a grammar of interiority, which guides interactions by mediating them with symbols and common meanings (norms, values, etc.) specific to contemporary democratic societies (those that conceive themselves as emerging from an agreement between individuals). This social practice, the psychoanalytic inquiry, can be analyzed by situating in their contexts of interactions the speeches in which repressed desires were imputed to various conducts. Freud’s work provides a sample of such speeches. The description of the form and meaning that these imputations of repressed desires conferred to different ongoing interactions allows us to identify the specific features of the psychoanalytic inquiry. Freud shows that the repression arises from a conflict between a repressed presocial will and a socialized will, which enforces repression, born from requirements inculcated by the parental authority. Hence, to identify a repressed desire, one must simultaneously identify a repressing relationship. The psychoanalytic inquiry leads to review the different interpersonal and intrapersonal relationships in which the author of the repression is involved. This exercise leads to set apart the relationships that constrain the inner presocial will to social requirements, from those that rather emanate from this inner will. Since the former creates the repression and the unwanted symptoms it causes, the healing of the repression requires that its carrier distances oneself from inherited social requirements, in order to recognize one’s her inner will. By weighing the coercion on presocial wills exercised by specific relations, the psychoanalytic inquiry gauged these relations from a standard specific to contemporary democratic societies: the requirement to ground social relations on the unconstrained wills of the partners. The psychoanalytic inquiry was part of a modern social imaginary that shaped the form of a contract to various relationships. The people who used this inquiry showed that they were concerned about this requirement and they prompted a critical reaction to the relationships that constrained their will. In sum, the psychoanalytic inquiry provided the contemporary world with a way of organizing relationships that was adapted to a society that gave a preeminent authority to “contractual” requirements. That largely explains the breadth and depth of the diffusion of psychoanalysis in the twentieth century.

La question de la rationalité socioéconomique propre aux paysans canadiens-français occupe dans l'historiographie canadienne du Québec rural préindustriel une place de choix, ayant été invoquée tour à tour pour glorifier ou condamner une population aux pratiques jugées à bien des égards différentes de celles des société anglo-saxonnes nord-américaines. Néanmoins, aussi importante soit-elle, cette problématique a rarement été abordée de front par les historiens, qui ont plutôt choisi de l'inclure en filigrane d'interprétations plus ciblées de réalités connexes. Dans cette optique, nous nous proposions dans ce mémoire de dégager, par le biais de l'analyse critique d'un échantillon de productions historiques représentatives des courants plus généraux dont elles sont issues, les principales représentations de la rationalité socioéconomique paysanne véhiculées par les historiens canadiens (tant francophones qu'anglophones) depuis 1960, de les expliquer à la lumière des particularités des contextes dans lesquels elles ont été produites ainsi que d'en retracer le parcours historiographique. Cette démarche nous a permis de constater clairement l'existence de trois paradigmes interprétatifs ayant successivement dominé le discours historique sur la question depuis 1960. Cette évolution, si elle s'accorde bel et bien au rythme du progrès méthodologique de la science historique, présente toutefois plusieurs originalités fermement ancrées dans les particularités du contexte dans lequel elle s'est déroulée, dont les principales sont la question nationale, la dichotomie ethnolinguistique de l'historiographie canadienne et la portée sociale significative des interprétations proposées.

Cette étude, qui s'intéresse aux appropriations de l'Antiquité grecque au XXe siècle, se propose d'analyser les impacts de la lecture de Platon sur le développement de la pensée politique et éthique de Hannah Arendt. Notre approche du sujet est historique et philosophique. Premièrement, nous considérerons la toile de fond biographique, intellectuelle et historique de cette lecture. La relation intellectuelle entre Hannah Arendt et Martin Heidegger reçoit une attention particulière, puisque le Platon arendtien présente parfois des similarités avec celui de Heidegger. Nous considérerons également la réception de Platon en Allemagne entre la période de Weimar et l'après-guerre : les lectures idéologiques de l'époque nazie, et le débat autour du statut de Platon en tant qu'ancêtre du totalitarisme, clamé par Karl Popper, ont assombri la réputation philosophique de Platon jusqu'à la fin du XXe siècle. Nous trouvons des échos de ce climat intellectuel particulier dans le traitement de Platon chez Arendt. Dans un deuxième temps, nous examinerons les thèmes et les motifs de la lecture arendtienne en observant minutieusement une sélection d'ouvrages, d'essais, d'ébauches d'Arendt, en plus des notes du Journal de pensée (Denktagebuch) et des extraits de dialogues de Platon sur lesquels s'appuient sa lecture. Arendt déconstruit, transforme, altère et utilise ces textes afin de démontrer que notre tradition de pensée politique s'est édifiée sur un mépris de la politique qui trouve sa source dans la pensée platonicienne. Ce mépris culmine dans la pensée de Marx et le totalitarisme. Mais les réflexions d'Arendt sur la pensée, le jugement et la conscience, et son traitement du cas Eichmann suggère qu'elle s'approprie par moments la pensée de Platon. Des comparaisons avec d'autres penseurs émigrés allemands, qui s'inspirent aussi de Platon et des Grecs pour édifier leur pensée politique, Leo Strauss et Eric Voegelin, vont nous permettre d'affiner notre compréhension du Platon d'Arendt.

Throughout the twentieth century, the Peruvian mining industry has undergone a series of transformations that have had profound economical, social and political impact on the nation and its citizens. These changes, however, were not without opposition. In fact, studying recent Peruvian history from a resistance point of view, three different periods come to the foreground. From 1901 to 1930, workers were mostly Andean peasants coerced to work in mines by means of a debt-peonage system called enganche. Their means of resistance, having no union at this time, were mostly individual and short-termed, such as leaving their workplace without completing their contract. One non-governmental organization (NGO) concerned about miners' working conditions was the Asociación Pro-Indígena, composed of progressive Peruvian intellectuals such as Dora Mayer, who studied the practice and impact of the enganche system. The second – spanning from 1930 to 1980 – is both the longest and most important period for studying the transformation of the mining industry and its impact. It is during this period that unions were created and expanded, despite facing serious state oppression. In 1969, the Federación Nacional de los Trabajadores Mineros y Metalúrgicos del Perú (FNTMMP) was created and was the first successful attempt to unite all mining industry workers into one organization. This federation was a prominent actor in the social movement of the seventies, and was one of the organizations that contributed to General Bermúdez's resignation and the presidential elections of 1980 which signaled Peru’s return to democracy after over a decade of military rule. Parallel to this return to representative democracy was the launching of Sendero Luminoso's armed struggle, and the subsequent civil war. This period affected greatly unions of all sectors, who were caught between Sendero Luminoso's purges and the Army's repression. The third period begins with Alberto Fujimori's presidential election in 1990. This president is known for his victory against Sendero Luminoso and the neoliberal reforms he pushed forward by way of quasi-authoritarian practices (such as the suspension of congress in 1992). These reforms mainly consisted in the government changing legislation in order to help foreign companies, such as mining firms, to benefit from Peru's primary resources. Resisting this new paradigm are the communities organized through the Confederación Nacional de las Comunidades Afectadas por la Minería (CONACAMI). Finally, although each period demonstrates distinct means to battle against transnational mining companies and to circumscribe and seek repair for abuses committed, there is a continuity across them: the subalterns' will to be heard.

Bouleversements démographiques, pressions assimilatrices, défaites militaires et rivalités territoriales : ce mémoire étudie les transformations que connaît la société Cherokee sous l’impulsion de ces forces au cours du «long XVIIIe siècle» qui débute avec l’intensification des contacts avec les colons anglais vers 1700 et qui se termine avec la déportation des Cherokees vers l’Indian Territory, dans l’actuel Oklahoma, à la fin des années 1830. Son regard porte principalement la centralisation des institutions politiques, la transformation des règles qui définissent l’appartenance à la nation, et l’évolution des rôles des genres dans la famille et dans l’économie pendant la période entre la signature du traité de paix de 1794 et l’adoption par les Cherokees d’une Constitution fortement inspirée de celle des États-Unis, en 1827.

This thesis explores the different ways in which territory has historically been perceived, conceived and practiced through the experience and growth of mobility. It shows the crucial role that "automobility" played for touristic development in Quebec and Ontario and the ways it shaped parts of their territory. The present study examines the different measures adopted to promote tourism in newly developed regions and to both physically and symbolically transform these regions between 1920 and 1967. The thesis answers the following question: how and in which way has automobility transformed and created tourist regions? The period under study opens with the beginning of government intervention in the tourism industry through the creation of automobile-related infrastructure. The thesis carries its examination through the celebrations organised around the 100th anniversary of Canada and Expo 67 in Montreal, an event which led to large-scale territorial development necessary to accommodate an unprecedented number of automobiles from across Canada and the United States. This thesis first reconstitutes the processes involved in the creation of tourist regions: the conception, construction and promotion of the highway system; the implementation of itineraries and tourist routes; and the creation of useful tools that tourists might bring on their journey. It next examines beautification as a structuring element within the transformation of territories. Finally, advertising, travelogues and tourism practices are studied in detail in order to identify the mechanisms through which various actors contributed to fashioning representations of territories. This thesis reveals the close and complex ties that bound automobility, tourism and territorial modification as they developed during the 1920s. It helps to shed light on the historicity of certain approaches and orientations that remain current in the Canadian tourism industry, such as territorial development in terms of car accessibility. By showing the role that automobility played within the tourist experience, the present study adds to the developing understanding of the democratization of leisure. Often explained through higher standards of living as well as through the rise of leisure time and the spread within the working world of paid vacation, this democratization can also be explained through the greater accessibility of automobility, which, in turn, provided greater access to regions located further and further from urban areas. The recreational dimension of automobiling that was put forward early on in its history explains its rapid adoption by Canadians and other North Americans, as well as the dependence on cars that progressively spread through a large portion of the population.

This thesis documents, catalogues, and analyses relationships between female authors in France and Italy, and between French women and Italian women, from 1770 to 1840. It results from a study of the correspondence and published works of twelve women authors (Anne-Marie de Beaufort d’Hautpoul, Sophie Gay, Félicité de Genlis, Marie-Émilie de Montanclos, Constance Pipelet Salm, Germaine de Staël, Teresa Bandettini, Elisabetta Caminer, Carolina Lattanzi, Diodata Saluzzo, Fortunata Sulgher Fantastici, and Isabella Teotochi Albrizzi) over the course of a period marked by important developments in print culture, the significant involvement of women in the querelle des femmes, and the increased presence of women authors. These transformations, together with the international political upheaval caused by the French Revolution, saw attacks on female authorship pursued with increased vigour. The relationships between women authors within such a context illustrate the challenges faced in implementing a “common action” aimed at defending a female cause (that of female authors) before the advent of the feminist movement. Often described as either “rivals” or “sisters”, this study demonstrates that the nature of relationships between women in this period was in fact far more complex. On the one hand, the community of female authors examined was marked by a certain degree of cohesion. These writers had wide-ranging networks of contacts, and could rely on each other for support in times of crisis. They constructed female literary genealogies and deconstructed the discourse used by others in reference to their community, particularly that relating to the “exceptionality” of and “rivalry” between women authors. On the other hand, significant differences also ran across the membership of these networks, notably in terms of nationality, political opinions, and the position each woman occupied within literary circles. Over and above these social and political divisions, this thesis illustrates the difficulties women faced in reconciling their individual interests (the advancement of their own careers, the divisive impact of their multiple identities with the cohesion of their sex/gender) with those of the collective (legitimizing female authorship). In short, this study examines the ways in which female authors recognized the importance of their community and faced the challenges of maintaining its cohesion, at a time when not only literary activity, but also the political and cultural context in which it was framed, were undergoing great transformation.

Dans son ouvrage Shell Shock Cinema, publié en 2009, Anton Kaes se distancie fortement du travail fondateur et classique de Siegfried Kracauer, From Caligari to Hitler, publiée en 1947, et portant sur le cinéma pendant la période de Weimar. Réfutant la thèse de Kracauer selon laquelle un inconscient collectif allemand annonce la montée du nazisme dans le cinéma de l’entre-deux-guerres, Kaes affirme au contraire que le shell shock, héritage de la Première Guerre mondiale, est l’un des moteurs du cinéma weimarien. Les travaux de Kaes s’inscrivent dans une historiographie en renouvellement qui, confrontant également la thèse de Kracauer, met désormais l’accent sur la Première Guerre mondiale, et non sur la Seconde Guerre mondiale, pour mieux comprendre et analyser le cinéma weimarien. Ce mémoire, tout en étudiant de façon détaillée l’historiographie du sujet, tend à approfondir et à réévaluer la thèse d’Anton Kaes en l’exposant à davantage de films représentant des traumatismes personnels, des traumatismes sociaux et des chocs post-traumatiques (CPT). Ces maux sont exacerbés par des tensions sociopolitiques – insurrection de janvier 1919, Traité de Versailles, occupation de la Ruhr, l’inflation de 1923-24, etc. – alimentant à la fois des représentations symboliques et concrètes d’expériences traumatisantes qui caractérisent l’ensemble du cinéma weimarien.

Salvien de Marseille est un auteur incontournable pour l'histoire du Ve siècle ap. J.-C. Il s'est abondamment exprimé au sujet des Barbares, d'une façon si positive que cela ne cesse de nous étonner, au vu des invasions qui s'étaient produites dans sa Gaule natale peu avant la période où il rédigea le De gubernatione dei. Une étude attentive de ce que Salvien affirma au sujet des Barbares démontre que celui-ci utilisa souvent des topoï pour parler d'eux. Parfois aussi, il inversa ces topoï, se plaçant ainsi en opposition avec la tradition littéraire romaine. Ce mémoire s'attache à identifier ces topoï et voir comment Salvien de Marseille s'accordait ou se détachait des idées reçues sur les Barbares dans chaque cas.

Au cours de la deuxième moitié des années 1880, la vie politique française est marquée par l’émergence du boulangisme. Ce mouvement contestataire éphémère, qui se forme autour du général Boulanger, rassemble aussi bien des membres de la gauche que de la droite grâce à un programme qui se résume principalement au slogan «Dissolution, constituante, révision». En s’opposant au régime parlementaire des républicains modérés, le boulangisme menace la Troisième République et suscite également des craintes à l’échelle européenne, alors qu’on appréhende qu’une victoire du «général Revanche» n’entraîne, volontairement ou non, une nouvelle guerre européenne. Ce mémoire vise à approfondir les connaissances sur la perception du boulangisme hors France en analysant le contenu de quatre journaux britanniques (le Birmingham Daily Post, le Manchester Guardian, le Scotsman et le Times) qui ont été choisis afin d’assurer une représentation géographique et politique. Les deux premiers chapitres abordent la perception de l’impact du boulangisme sur la scène européenne et sur la scène politique française, alors que le dernier chapitre s’attarde à l’image que se fait la presse britannique du général Boulanger comme individu. Ce qui se dégage de cette analyse est une perception principalement négative du boulangisme.

Dès les batailles de Lexington et Concord le 19 avril 1775, la guerre d’Indépendance américaine retient l’attention en France, et ce, à la fois des diplomates français, mais également de l’opinion publique française. Parmi les deux groupes, on retrouve des éléments qui tentent de favoriser et de préparer une intervention officielle de la France dans cette guerre. L’objectif de ce mémoire est donc d’étudier l’interaction qui eut alors lieu entre l’opinion publique et la diplomatie. Le premier chapitre étudie comment l’opinion publique crée les conditions opportunes à l’intervention de Beaumarchais auprès du gouvernement français, puis l’impact de cette intervention. Le second chapitre s’intéresse quant à lui aux arguments mis de l’avant par le ministère des Affaires étrangères – par l’entremise de sa propre gazette, les Affaires de l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique – pour convaincre et préparer l’opinion publique à l’intervention de la France dans la guerre d’Indépendance américaine.

La présente thèse de recherche concerne l’évolution du système éducatif iranien à l’époque des Qâdjârs, et étudie notamment le rôle qu’y ont eu la France et les acteurs français. Il s’agit de mettre en, exergue l’influence du système éducatif français sur celui de l’Iran, sans pour autant être une comparaison de ces deux systèmes. Ce travail est une recherche historique, qui prend pour but d’étudier le processus de formation d’une structure scolaire moderne en Iran de 1851 à 1925. En prenant contact avec l’Occident, l’Iran du début du XIXème siècle cherche à combler son retard par rapport aux pays européens industrialisés, en leur empruntant savoirs, technologies et méthodes. La mise en place d’un système éducatif radicalement différent de la structure préexistante des écoles coraniques, dites maktab, participe de ce mouvement et est vue par les élites progressistes comme une condition sine qua non à la modernisation du pays. Le modèle éducatif français leur apparait comme étant le meilleur à suivre, et avec lui se diffusent dans le pays la langue et la culture française. Dans cette thèse de doctorat, nous entendons d’abord analyser l’arrière-plan sociopolitique à la mise en place d’un nouveau système scolaire, via la fondation d’écoles modernes, en Iran. Nous tâchons ensuite d’étudier les modalités de mise en œuvre de ce système par les acteurs aussi bien étatiques que privés, tant français qu’iraniens.

After an eight-year war, Algeria gained full independence. Saharan oil, a major reason for the extension of the war, became the property of the new independent republic. On the other hand, French petroleum companies, which had a quasi-monopoly over the oil industry, kept their former privileges. Nevertheless, the Evian Accords of March 1962, which guaranteed these privileges, were challenged by the new Algerian authorities meeting in Tripoli, Libya, a few months later. This was in line with the will of the Algerian governing party to nationalize the gas and oil industry. Finally the adoption of the socialist path by the new leadership, in addition to the departure of the majority of the European population, compromised the French strategy to keep control of Saharan supplies, the more so that they were payable in French francs. This thesis asks the following question: what strategies did France adopt to safeguard its interests in anticipation of the nationalization of the oil industry it considered inevitable? A chronological approach makes it possible to show the evolution of Franco-Algerian relation in the field of oil between 1962 and 1971. Sources are mainly the archives of the French petroleum company TOTAL and the French Foreign Affairs ministry. For the Algerian side, it makes uses of the personal archives of the Algerian minister of industry and energy at the time, Abdesselam Belaïd. The dissertation demonstrates that, starting from the beginning of 1960’s, the main goal of France was to diversify its sources of supply and to diminish its dependency towards Algerian oil. Saharan resources were part of the strategy. In addition, this research shows that, starting in the middle of the 1960’s, French petroleum companies diminished their level of engagement in Algeria to the minimum. Finally, the thesis highlights the limits of the French strategy of diversification of its oil supply.