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The archaeological fieldwork conducted in Greece in 2015 under the aegis of the Canadian Institute in Greece (CIG) is summarized based on the presentation given by the director at the institute's annual Open Meeting in Athens in May 2016.
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Un article de la revue Cahiers d'histoire, diffusée par la plateforme Érudit.
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Il y a deux façons de comprendre l’adjectif pontifical dans l’expression utilisée en titre. Dans le présent texte, selon l’usage de l’historiographie française, il s’agit de considérer la capacité de ponction du pape sur les temporels ecclésiastiques, et non de faire référence à une fiscalité de nature seigneuriale, fût-elle exercée au profit du pape, et découlant des pouvoirs et des droits exercés sur un territoire et sur les hommes y vivant. Nous utilisons ici les formules « appareil fiscal...
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This article takes the Company of New France or CNF (1627-1663) as a case study to consider the legal dimensions of early modern chartered companies – how they established themselves, how they dealt with disputes, and how they exercised the regal powers delegated to them. Drawing on recent literature that challenges the entrenched notion of companies as exclusively economic entities, it considers the Company of New France as an experimentation with new tools of capital formation and governance. The article puts the CNF in comparison with other corporations and commercial associations in France as well as contemporary chartered companies in the Atlantic. While the company shared certain characteristics with other French corporations, notably a separate legal personality, responsibility for internal governance, and a contractual relationship with the king, as an overseas commercial and colonizing enterprise, the nature of its privileges, functions, and obligations were distinct. The paper’s final section considers challenges faced by the CNF in the execution of its mandate, particularly with the establishment of a new, ostensibly subordinate corporation, the Communauté des Habitants in 1645. The frictions between these two bodies underscore the inextricable ties between trade and effective governance in the colony.
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L’affaire Constant se prête à merveille à l’analyse intersectionnelle qui invite à penser la pluralité des formes et des logiques de domination (en particulier sexe, race et classe) et la complexité de leurs articulations. En effet, elle révèle les dynamiques de pouvoir qui régissent la maison entièrement féminine dans laquelle est perpétré le crime d’un esclave panis en 1757. Mais surtout, au-delà de la vérité pérenne et tragique – et pourtant si souvent invisibilisée – qu’elle révèle de l’esclavage autochtone à Montréal et en Nouvelle-France, elle permet « d’entendre » les voix des esclaves autochtones et de prendre la mesure de leur agentivité (ou horizon d’action pensé et vécu).
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Un article de la revue Histoire Québec, diffusée par la plateforme Érudit.
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The papers in this research dialogue section are the product of a project that examines intellectual life in China since the 1990s – chiefly the efforts by academic public intellectuals to rethink China’s past, present, and future in light of the excesses of Mao’s revolution, the challenges emerging from reform, and the rise of China to the status of world economic power. Chinese scholars, having benefited from China’s openness to the world and the relative relaxation of political pressure in China (until recently), have much to say about China and the world that merits our attention. Through creative collaboration between Chinese and international scholars, the articles collected here explore that intellectual public sphere since the late 1990s. The articles were written in Chinese by young PRC scholars and rendered into English through ‘collaborative translation’ teams that pair these Chinese with non-Chinese scholars based in Canadian universities. The net result, grounded on repeated conversations and revisions, is not a simple translation but a co-production of knowledge about China that aims to capture the discourse of Chinese scholarship in a way to make it meaningful to anglophone readers. The articles themselves are not traditional surveys of academic scholarship. Rather they map significant areas of an intellectual world and the arguments within it. Three widely accepted intellectual streams of thought (sichao 思潮) organize these soundings: liberals, New Left, and New Confucian. These reports explore connections between and diversity within and beyond each.
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The renewed embrace of Marxism has been a key element in "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era," added to China's constitution last year. But the Marxism that Xi and his propagandists are pushing is not what one would expect from a serious reading of the Manifesto. Nor is it the lumbering apparatus of the Stalinist state. The lessons of Marx, Xi declares, are that Marxism changes with the times, that it must be integrated with local culture in order to be effective, and that it needs a strong party and a great leader in order to succeed. This state Marxism is an attempt to unify the population behind a national ideology and shore up state authority, not to inspire class struggle.
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This article is about the Anglo-Franco-Soviet negotiations in 1939 for an alliance against Nazi Germany and about how the British government later tried to represent those negotiations to public opinion. The first part of the essay presents the Soviet point of view on the negotiations and how the British and French governments, though mainly the British, reacted to Soviet alliance proposals. It is a fresh representation of the Soviet perspective from published and unpublished Russian language sources. The second part of the essay focuses on how the British sought to represent the abortive negotiations through a white paper, placing the blame for failure on the Soviet Union. France opposed publication because, however carefully prepared, the white paper showed that the Soviet side had made serious alliance proposals with precise, reciprocal undertakings which the British government was reticent to entertain. The French were all the more annoyed because the white paper omitted to underline that they had been more receptive to Soviet proposals. The trilingual, multi-archival evidence presented in the first part of the essay effectively supports the French perception of the white paper and more generally of the failed tripartite negotiations.
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Si l’historiographie récente a tendance à montrer que les armistices de 1918 furent loin de marquer partout la fin des combats, il n’en demeure pas moins vrai que la paix était désormais à l’ordre du jour et que les peuples, épuisés et traumatisés par cet interminable conflit, entendaient bien être les acteurs à part entière de ce processus. En privilégiant la sphère européenne, ce numéro entend rappeler qu’au lendemain de la Grande Guerre la paix fut aussi l’affaire des peuples.
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