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We study the effects of domestic conflict and external shocks on Spanish trade policy in the interwar period. Our account mobilizes a new granular dataset on exports and imports, and good-country level information on tariffs, trade agreements, and quotas. Into the Depression, the mainstay of policy was the tariff. The establishment of the Second Republic in 1931 was a turning point in policymaking. The new regime initiated bilateral trade negotiations. The Republic’s dilemma was to find countries willing to exchange market access. In a daunting international environment, the Spanish case offers a poignant reminder of the perils of going against the grain.

The moderating effects of World War I on wealth and income inequality varied with the belligerents. In Austria, the state embraced austerity measures to eliminate hyperinflation and respect commitments to the League of Nations. To fill the void, the Social Democratic Workers’ Party (sdap) turned to its political stronghold in Vienna to advance its agenda of social spending and progressive taxation—Red Vienna’s signature program. The use of an electoral-cycle model finds that the construction of new buildings increased the party’s share of votes in municipal elections. The program mobilized support of young families in search of affordable and quality housing, also attracting the endorsement of the middle classes and elites, despite the higher tax burden imposed on them. The physical attributes of the new buildings and related investments, such as in schools, hospitals, and city infrastructure, benefited the entire population of Vienna.

Le présent article donne un nouvel éclairage sur la réintégration dans le marché du travail des anciens combattants francophones québécois de la Première Guerre mondiale. En exploitant les dossiers personnels des combattants et les informations sur les salaires et les professions des recensements de 1911 et 1921, les auteurs examinent si les soldats de retour au pays ont eu de meilleurs résultats sur le marché du travail que les non-soldats. Les résultats tendent à montrer que l'acquisition de capital social et humain agit positivement sur la réintégration des anciens combattants, l'ampleur de cette amélioration dépendant de l'âge, de la durée du service, du statut des soldats (volontaires ou conscrits), de la profession, du lieu de résidence et du fait que les recrues ont servi en Europe ou sont restées au Canada.

An intractable domestic conflict between forces on the right and the left roiled the Second Spanish Republic. We claim that international trade shocks exacerbated political instability. Leveraging an exposure design and disaggregated trade and employment data, we study the effects of import and export exposure on vote shares of parties and coalitions in the Republic's three elections, 1931, 1933, and 1936. An increase in import exposure had a modest effect on election outcomes. The primary vector of change was the disruption in export markets caused by the world depression and discriminatory trade practices, most importantly the United Kingdom's adoption of imperial preference. Trade dislocation harmed the left and benefitted the right. If trade had remained at 1928 levels, our projections show that the Popular Front would have gained a clear and comfortable majority in the decisive 1936 election.

This paper brings a historical perspective to debates on worktime differences across OECD countries, exploiting new data sets on hours of work per week, and days and hours of work per year between 1870 and 2000. We contest the popular view that the divergence in worktimes between Europe and North America and Australia is a recent phenomenon. Since 1870 the decline in weekly and annual hours was consistently greater in the Old World; the New World has had fewer days off for the last 130years. Labor power and inequality, held to be important determinants of worktime after 1970, had comparable effects in the period before 1913. We find that given their levels of income in 1870 New World workers supplied relatively too many hours of work.

Globalisation was a fact of life in Europe before 1913, but as trade shares increased, so did wage and employment instability. Faced by growing pressure from workers, national authorities established labour compacts – a packet of labour market regulations and social insurance programmes – that defended workers against the risks they faced in and outside the factory. The labour compact provided workers with insurance because it compressed wage structures. We construct an index of labour market regulations and social insurance schemes for seventeen European countries and find that the extent of the labour compact varied with the level of openness. We conclude that the labour compact gave workers reason to support free trade because it protected them from external risk. Contrary to the received view, globalisation before 1913 was compatible with state intervention. Our findings are consistent with Rodrik's and Agell's for the period after 1945.

The received view is that, across countries and time, strike dimensions trace an empirical regularity. The incidence and duration of contract strikes move in opposite directions over the business cycle: incidence is procyclical and duration countercyclical. The Canadian experience in the interwar years was different. Strike incidence was independent of the business cycle and strike durations fell steadily over the period. A distinct pattern emerged. The 1920s saw a decline in strike activity and steady losses for workers; in the 1930s strike activity gained momentum and there were more worker wins. Our interpretation of this extraordinary episode is based on a new data set collected for the period 1920 to 1939. We evaluate strikes in the context of a war-of-attrition model and estimate the probability of strike outcomes (success, failure, or compromise) and capitulation times (for firms and workers) as functions of firm and striker characteristics. We find that workers capitulated first in the 1920s because firms used replacement workers as part of a larger strategy to break the union movement. In the 1930s, it was firms' turn to capitulate first because they had cut back on resources to fight strikes, even as workers became more belligerent.

Cet article évalue cinq expériences récentes sur le partage du travail au Québec depuis 1994: Bell Canada, Alcan, Papier Scott, Sico et le Ministère de l'environnement et de la faune. Basées sur des évidences de sondages qui démontrent que les heures de travail désirées tendent vers une approximation des heures de travail actuelles, des études antérieures ont souligné des doutes en ce qui concerne les chances de succès des initiatives pour le partage du travail. Par contre, dans les cas que nous avons étudiés les taux de participation dans les programmes volontaires de partage de travail étaient élevés, particulièrement lorsque le coût d'opportunité (les salaires perdus) des travailleurs n'était pas élevé et lorsque les travailleurs avaient déjà été exposé à des expériences de temps de travail réduit et flexible. Les initiatives de partage du travail ont rencontré moins de succès lorsqu'elles étaient obligatoires. Les programmes étudiés suggèrent que les réponses à l'offre de travail sont importantes lors de la création de politiques. Les gouvernements ont un rôle dans la création de politiques qui rendent le partage du travail plus attrayant aux travailleurs en plus de changer les attitudes des travailleurs envers le partage du travail. Nos résultats sont en accord avec les recommendations du Groupe consultatif sur le temps de travail du gouvernement fédéral. /// This paper evaluates five recent experiences of worksharing in Quebec since 1994: Bell Canada, Alcan, Scott Paper, Sico, and the Ministère de l'environnement et de la faune. Based on survey evidence showing that desired work hours tend to approximate actual work hours, previous studies have raised doubts about the likelihood of successful worksharing initiatives. However, in the cases we have studied, participation rates in voluntary worksharing programs were high, especially where the worker's sacrifice (lost wages) was not great and where workers had previous experience with reduced and flexible worktime. Worksharing initiatives were less successful when they were mandatory. The programs studied point to the importance of labour-supply responses in policy design. Governments have a role to play in designing policy that makes worksharing more attractive to workers and then changes their attitudes toward it. Our findings are consistent with the recommendations of the federal government's Advisory Group on Working Time.

Social sciences recently witnessed an increase in multidisciplinary studies. Economists are part of this movement. Do they have an impact on other disciplines? Few studies are concerned with the transfer of knowledge from one discipline to another. Our paper tries to shed some light on this issue in the specific case of the contribution of economics to historical research in Canada in the last three decades. Is the use of economic tools widespread? Does it follow an upward trend over the period? Is it related to research topic, period treated or historiographical tradition? Is there a difference between Anglophone and Francophone historians? These are some of the questions explored.

Debate on the role of international unions (unions with headquarters in the United States) in Canada is longstanding. One school of thought maintains that internationals have weakened Canada's union movement; another view holds that international and national unions acted in concert and increased the number of disputes and the likelihood of workers' victory. Using a newly created data base of strike dimensions for the period before World War I, the key years of union growth in Canada, we test these opposing views in a competing-risks framework. We find that internationals did not weaken Canada's union movement; nor did the two union types act in concert. Instead, internationals were absorbed in Canada's industrial relations framework.

This paper evaluates five recent experiences of worksharing in Québec since 1994: Bell Québec, Alcan, Scott Paper, the Ministère de l'Environnement et de la Faune and Sico. Participation in voluntary worksharing programs was high where workers' sacrifice (lost wages) was not great and where workers had previous experience with shorter or flexible work hours. Where worksharing was mandatory programs were less successful. We draw out implications for policy. To achieve higher participation rates and to give workers experience with shorter hours, governments can play a positive role in financing or kick-starting worksharing programs. Cette étude évalue cinq expériences récentes de partage du travail au Québec depuis 1994 : Bell Québec, Alcan, Les papiers Scott, le Ministère de l'Environnement et de la Faune, et Sico. Le taux de participation aux programmes de partage du travail offerts sur une base volontaire était élevé dans les entreprises où les sacrifices que devaient consentir les travailleurs (les pertes salariales) n'étaient pas considérables et dans celles où les travailleurs avaient déjà fait l'expérience d'un horaire de travail flexible ou réduit. Dans les cas où le partage du travail était imposé, les programmes ont remporté moins de succès. Nous déduisons des conséquences en matière de politique publique. Entre autres, pour atteindre des taux de participation plus élevés et initier les travailleurs à un horaire réduit, les gouvernements peuvent jouer un rôle positif en finançant ou en aidant à démarrer des programmes de partage du travail.

Le partage de l'emploi, conditions et avantages, étudié à partir de l'exemple de Bell Canada et celui de Volkswagen en Allemagne.

The postwar years brought many challenges to the Canadian economy in terms of trade policies. Indeed, in the years between 1945 and 1950, Canada experienced growing trade imbalances as imports from the United States market reached new peaks and exports to the United Kingdom decreased dramatically due to financial exhaustion caused by the war. These developments soon raised concerns as the country was faced with the prospect of foreign reserves depletion, a situation mainly caused by the productivity gap existing between the economies of the two sides of the Atlantic. The American sponsored European Recovery Program or Marshall Plan was met with enthusiasm in Ottawa as it intended to restore economic viability of the European markets as well as to establish a multilateral trade system based on non-discriminatory trade practices. The international tensions of the nascent Cold War were to limit these achievements as the need for a strong Europe dictated the elimination of restrictive trade practices between European commercial partners without giving equal treatment to transatlantic trade relations. However, the conflictual Cold War context was to offer an alternative strategy to the Canadian’s quest for dollars, for Washington’s collective security concerns paved the way to closer economic cooperation and privileged access to Canadian exports of strategic materials and other defence related commodities in the American market. The Marshall Plan was a key element of the procurement mechanism of the NATO country whose demand alleviated the pressure on Canadian foreign reserves through greater exports to the United Stated.

At the end of the 17th century, in Europe, a new economic discourse emerged: mercantilism. The result was a growing control by the royal administration over the countries’ industries and economy. This economic system dominated the first half of the 18th century before gradually weakening in the face of the rise of economic liberalism. Among the major industries at the time was the wool industry, which was relatively dispersed throughout the country. There was still a certain industrial concentration in certain généralité mainly in the north of France and in the south with the Languedoc region. These two regions constitute the main points of our study. The goal then is to understand how the geographic factor influences the formation and success of lobbies in the wool industry in a century of evolution of economic thinking. The first case study relates to the study of the wool industry in the Languedoc which opposes the economic privileges obtained by Marseille from the royal administration. The latter had exclusive rights to trade with the Levant region, the main outlet for Languedoc wool production. Huge protests and oppositions ensued between the two protagonists in order to defend the economic interests of each other. Finally, our second case study leads us to analyze the economic consequences of the signing of the Franco-British trade treaty in 1786. The latter had a huge consequence on the wool industry in the north of France. It the follow the emergence of a lobby in the wool industry demanding for a modification of the treaty. In reality this agreement materialized an opposition between two different kinds of pressure groups: the first one coming from a rural environment living primarily from agriculture; the second one coming from a mainly industrialized urban environment.

L’Écosse du XVIIIe siècle connaît de grands changements qui seront à l’aune des transformations socio-économiques sous-tendant sa Révolution industrielle. L’historiographie sur le sujet est divisée entre deux visions du développement – nommées pour le bienfait de cette étude traditionnelle et révisionniste – à savoir si ces transformations valident la notion d’une « révolution agraire ». Cette étude propose une recension de ces deux courants et propose d’appliquer leur analyse sur une région circonscrite, l’Aberdeenshire. À l’aide de l’Old Statistical Account, source majeure pour l’étude de l’histoire moderne écossaise, nous tenterons de démontrer que le caractère particulier du développement des régions ne correspond pas à l’application des conclusions nationales. Nous accorderons une attention spéciale à la propriété foncière, à l’impact des enclosures et à la temporalité des changements. De par ses spécificités, et son retard de modernisation agraire et agricole, nous croyons que la région suit le schéma dressé par les historiens révisionnistes, c.-à-d. des changements structurels s’étendant sur un temps long et ne s’inscrivant pas directement dans la période 1755-1815, traditionnellement désignée comme « révolution agraire ». Il s’agirait plutôt d’une adaptation partielle et originale des nouvelles idées mises de l’avant par les protagonistes de la modernisation.