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À partir de la bipolarisation méticuleuse introduite par la liturgie rigoriste québécoise dans l’espace paroissial s’élabore une construction de l’espace social marquée par la ségrégation. Il s’agit, dans le cadre de cette contribution, le poser quelques balises en vue d’une étude systématique de la distribution des corps dans l’espace durant les événements cultuels et d’évaluer la portée heuristique, pour l'histoire sociale, d’une telle étude. On pose en premier lieu les structures culturelles, matérielles et symboliques qui donnent sens à l’espace liturgique paroissial : il est divisé (sacré/profane) et orienté par la présence du saint sacrement. Puis on prend appui sur quelques espaces religieusement connotés pour dégager la construction sociale produite par l'usage : le choeur comme lieu masculin, la nef comme représentation de la société paroissiale, le cimetière comme dispositif de construction de l'altérité. Les lieux sacrés permettent une répartition des individus dans l'espace et contribuent à représenter et instituer les appartenances, les positions et les exclusions. L’analyse historique des positions spatiales est donc en ce contexte le moyen d’une microhistoire sociale.
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The novel L'influence d'un livre by Philippe Aubert de Gaspé junior, published in 1937, blurred the “modern” categories of science, religion, and superstition, and in so doing constituted a critique of the establishment of a social hierarchy based in part on the domination of official scientific and religious culture. The author’s questioning of authority extended to pushing other limits in validating a religious culture existing outside the formal institution. The novel presents an untidy image, without clear boundaries between what belonged to the religion of the church and what to makeshift, invention, appropriation, word of mouth, or popular acceptance. One must consider L'influence d'un livre as a valid indicator of various apsects, practices, and representations, but especially of the social dynamic that is usually inherent in culture and that is so difficult for the historian to grasp. The novel allows us a better perception of a “religion” with much wider horizons than can be presumed from clerical sources.
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Is it possible to write a history of the “popular” ways of telling one’s story in periods prior to the democratization of writing ? Due to a scarcity of source material, this is no easy task. However, there are sophisticated self-representations available to the historian, produced by certain literate individuals from modest backgrounds. An analysis of part of the literary output of a representative of this category, Antoine Gérin-Lajoie, may be used to follow the process of shifting from an autobiographical narration to a sociological reflection. This reveals that the very fact of experiencing the problems involved in acquiring a scholarly culture, and in social mobility, provides part of the foundation for these writings on oneself and on the world.
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The revival of cultural history, and religious history is obviously concerned, is likely to incur an ill-considered rejection of some of the fundamental principles of social history: the will to include the totality of historical actors, the practice of a critical history, the question of the changing nature of the social link. Thus, the return to the "text", a promising means of renewal, carries the danger of a simple updating, or re-legitimization, of what the Power said of its doings. Hence, the work of a cultural historian implies a certain theoretical effort in order to invent new ways of linking discourses with the social practices in history. This is why a revival of the dialogue among disciplines is needed. It is this step which I followed, during a research project dealing with religious rites in 18th and 19th century Quebec, by setting up a link with a sister discipline: anthropology.
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An article from Études d'histoire religieuse, on Érudit.