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Cet article analyse l’évolution des stéréotypes associés aux communautés italiennes et haïtiennes au Québec depuis 1900, en mettant en lumière comment ces représentations ont évolué en fonction des transformations des lois canadiennes et québécoises sur l’immigration, ainsi que des changements sociaux, économiques et politiques dans la province. En examinant les processus historiques et les contextes spécifiques, il démontre que ces stéréotypes ne sont pas seulement des reflets des dynamiques migratoires, mais aussi des constructions sociales qui ont été façonnées par les rapports de pouvoir et les luttes d’intégration. À travers l’étude de ces deux groupes, l’article explore comment les défis d’intégration se répercutent sur la perception de ces communautés dans la société québécoise, soulignant les enjeux de racisme, de classe et de culture. L’argument central repose sur l’idée que les stéréotypes, tout en évoluant, persistent sous différentes formes, et que leur déconstruction nécessite une compréhension historique des processus migratoires et des politiques d’accueil.
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Political instability in Haiti provided an important backdrop to the election of François Duvalier in September 1957. The new head of state, who soon established an authoritarian dictatorship (notably after 1964) and a hereditary regime (after 1971), justified both his victory and presidency trough a messianic message around the creation of a new Haiti. In the end, the duvalierist regime, stretching close to thirty years, was mostly a period marred by state-sponsored violence. Of the many repercussions of the dictatorship the creation of various Haitian diasporic communities, notably in Montreal, Quebec, during the second half of the 20th century remains one of the most notable. Despite the often critical tone employed by most specialists to make sense of the Duvalier period, Haitians, in Haiti and abroad, have remained divided in their assessment of the authoritarian regime. This doctoral thesis locates the emergence and creation of different collective memory scripts within diasporic communities by focusing on the particular case of the Haitian diaspora in Montreal between 1964 and 2014. By combining an analysis of “traditional” written documents and through the examination oral interviews, this research explores how, at different historical junctures between Quebec and Haiti, this population, marked by its heterogeneity, articulated different visions of the dictatorship in Haiti. This thesis was particularly inspired by the concept of “emblematic memory” advanced by the historian Steve Stern (2004) in his book trilogy which investigated different “memory camps” in post-Pinochet Chile. Our own research contends that the discourses and memories of Duvalierism that were forged within the Haitian diaspora in Quebec did not follow a linear trajectory and fell within a larger project where various conceptualizations of Duvalierist power and its place in Haiti’s national history were contested. It also shows that the very way in which many have understood duvalierism has evolved over time to adapt to new political realities in Haiti and in Quebec. Ultimately, it suggests that any reading of duvalierism, positive or negative, is always located within a broader appreciation (critic) of post-1986 Haiti.
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Découlant des retombées de notre thèse de doctorat et à travers l’analyse de deux entretiens oraux (issus d’un corpus plus ample de 47 entretiens réalisés entre 2018 et 2021 avec des Haïtiens installés au Québec), nous voulons ici réfléchir à la manière dont les expériences des femmes sous les Duvalier furent appréhendées par les participants à notre étude, notamment en ce qui concerne l’enjeu des violences sexualisées et des rôles de genre. S’il reste encore à écrire sur la complexité des expériences des femmes pendant cette période, notre propre ébauche démontre comment ce silence presque institutionnalisé sur la dictature et le tabou relatif à toutes discussions sur les violences sexualisées nuisent à une appréciation plus complète et raffinée de l’ampleur même de la violence duvaliériste.
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Initially, the news of the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915 generated little concern in the United States. Indeed, Haiti’s political instability made it such that a U.S. intervention seemed unavoidable. As of 1915 and especially 1920, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909, denounced the U.S. interference in the Caribbean island. W.E.B. Du Bois and James Weldon Johnson, two of the association’s most influential black members, were deeply invested in condemning the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Historiographical tendencies have long located the NAACP’s engagement with Haiti in a conversation about black solidarity, but have failed to adequately consider the local politics that may have inspired the NAACP’s work. While this thesis does not refute the importance of black solidarity, it does recognise the limits of this conceptual approach in trying to explain the complexity of the NAACP’s work on the behalf of Haiti’s sovereignty. Placing more attention on the social and political context in the United States between 1915 and 1922 reveals that the NAACP utilised the occupation of Haiti as a means of attracting broader attention to domestic issues affecting black Americans, but also as a means of reinforcing the organisation’s own profile in the United States.
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Cet article traite de l'engagement de la NAACP dans ses efforts anti-occupation américaine d'Haïti entre 1915 et 1922.
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- Sollai, Luca (1)