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Les archives judiciaires de la Nouvelle France révèlent une remarquable présence féminine de tous états et conditions, au civil comme au criminel. Ainsi, pour la seule juridiction royale de Montréal, entre 1693 et 1760, 1259 femmes différentes, mariées ou non, religieuses ou laïques, noires libres ou esclaves, amérindiennes libres ou panisses agissent de leur propre chef dans les 4338 dossiers qui impliquent des femmes (sur 6413 archivés). Elles sont autant sinon plus souvent demanderesses que victimes, témoins ou accusées. Particulièrement intéressante est la présence d’Amérindiennes, de captives anglaises et de Négresses esclaves ou libres, au côté des Françaises de toutes classes sociales. Toutes connaissent leurs droits, savent se défendre et font appel : elles connaissent les voies pour faire entendre leur voix devant la justice du roi.

Au tournant du XVIIIe siècle, les institutions politiques et sociales des Cherokees sont perturbées par une série de catastrophes militaires, économiques et démographiques. Une minorité inter-mariée avec les Blancs en profite pour instaurer une économie de plantations esclavagistes et une nouvelle forme de gouvernement qui la protège, notamment en dépouillant les descendants d’Africains des droits dont ils disposaient au sein de la nation. Cet article décrit le statut des Cherokees de descendance africaine au XVIIIe siècle, la prise de pouvoir par la nouvelle élite de planteurs, et le développement de lois discriminatoires qui en résulte.

Qu’avons-nous appris de la récente floraison de travaux sur l’Atlantique français de l’époque moderne menés par les historiens francophones et anglophones ? Ce bilan historiographique se penche sur trois aspects importants de la question : le raffinement et la remise en question du modèle de l’Atlantique en tant qu’espace économique cohérent et intégré ; l’esclavage, ses conséquences et ses résistances ; et la création et la circulation des savoirs. Les études portant sur des particularités locales, voire individuelles, s’y révèlent particulièrement éclairantes. Quelques avenues de recherches ultérieures sont également proposées.

Cet article présente une étude de cas dans laquelle nous avons exploité le contenu de la bibliothèque numérique du projet ARTFL de l’université de Chicago comme matière première dans le cadre d’une expérience d’histoire numérique. Deux corpus d’articles tirés de l’Encyclopédie de Diderot ont été tirés de la bibliothèque numérique afin de répondre à deux questions apparentées, portant sur la production d’un imaginaire spatial au moyen de la lecture de textes. Un corpus de 14 547 articles géographiques a permis de cerner l’évolution de la manière dont l’Encyclopédie produit une représentation des lieux, évolution engendrée par le passage de la vision initiale de Diderot à celle de l’auteur de la majorité du corpus, le chevalier Louis de Jaucourt. Un second corpus formé de 6 053 articles provenant d’une variété de catégories du savoir a ensuite permis de caractériser la production d’un espace, l’Amérique, en tant qu’objet de curiosité et de convoitise. Certains enjeux méthodologiques reliés à l’exploitation des bibliothèques numériques par un historien sont aussi abordés.

Les différentes facettes du tournant géographique initié par les disciples du philosophe Henri Lefebvre ont balayé l’ensemble des sciences humaines et sociales au cours des 30 ou 40 dernières années. Cet essai historiographique présente les précurseurs des tournants géographiques, leurs origines théoriques, les champs de recherche historiques dans lesquels ils se sont montrés particulièrement féconds, l’émergence récente des humanités spatiales qui combinent la sensibilité géographique avec les techniques d’analyse des humanités numériques, et quelques leçons à tirer de leurs enseignements.

How has race shaped Canada's international encounters and its role in the world? How have the actions of politicians, diplomats, citizens, and non-governmental organizations reflected and reinforced racial power structures in Canada? In this book, leading scholars in Canadian international relations grapple with these complex questions, destabilizing conventional understandings of Canada in the world. Dominion of Race exposes how race thinking--normalizing racial differences and perpetuating them through words and actions that legitimize a discriminatory system of beliefs--has informed priorities and policies, positioned Canada in the international community, and contributed to a global order rooted in racial beliefs. Four themes develop throughout the volume: the relationship between empire, identity, and liberal internationalism; the tensions between individual, structure, theory, and practice; the mutual constitution of domestic and international spheres; and the notion of marginalized terrain and space. While the contributors reconsider familiar topics, including the Paris Peace Conference and Canada's involvement with the United Nations, they also enlarge the scope of Canada's international history by subject, geography, and methodology. By demonstrating that race is a fundamental component of Canada and its international history, this book calls for reengagement with the histories of those marginalized in, or excluded from, the historical record.

This article engages with the entangled histories of Canadian foreign aid and relations between Indigenous peoples and Canada. Specifically, it traces a proposal in the early 1950s to use the Colombo Plan, the Commonwealth development program in which Canada was a participant, to transfer yaks from India for use in the "development" of the Inuit population in northern Quebec. While the relocation was ultimately never realized, the episode reveals how questions of race and empire, not least the environmental dimension of these, along with the priority accorded to promoting a liberal-capitalist version of "modernization," informed the imaginary underpinning the Canadian state's engagement with Indigenous populations and the Global South. More broadly, the subject matter highlights how the history of Indigenous-settler encounters informed Canadian attitudes regarding development assistance, and vice versa.

How has race shaped Canada's international encounters and its role in the world? How have the actions of politicians, diplomats, citizens, and non-governmental organizations reflected and reinforced racial power structures in Canada? In this book, leading scholars in Canadian international relations grapple with these complex questions, destabilizing conventional understandings of Canada in the world. Dominion of Race exposes how race thinking--normalizing racial differences and perpetuating them through words and actions that legitimize a discriminatory system of beliefs--has informed priorities and policies, positioned Canada in the international community, and contributed to a global order rooted in racial beliefs. Four themes develop throughout the volume: the relationship between empire, identity, and liberal internationalism; the tensions between individual, structure, theory, and practice; the mutual constitution of domestic and international spheres; and the notion of marginalized terrain and space. While the contributors reconsider familiar topics, including the Paris Peace Conference and Canada's involvement with the United Nations, they also enlarge the scope of Canada's international history by subject, geography, and methodology. By demonstrating that race is a fundamental component of Canada and its international history, this book calls for reengagement with the histories of those marginalized in, or excluded from, the historical record.

How has race shaped Canada's international encounters and its role in the world? How have the actions of politicians, diplomats, citizens, and non-governmental organizations reflected and reinforced racial power structures in Canada? In this book, leading scholars in Canadian international relations grapple with these complex questions, destabilizing conventional understandings of Canada in the world. Dominion of Race exposes how race thinking--normalizing racial differences and perpetuating them through words and actions that legitimize a discriminatory system of beliefs--has informed priorities and policies, positioned Canada in the international community, and contributed to a global order rooted in racial beliefs. Four themes develop throughout the volume: the relationship between empire, identity, and liberal internationalism; the tensions between individual, structure, theory, and practice; the mutual constitution of domestic and international spheres; and the notion of marginalized terrain and space. While the contributors reconsider familiar topics, including the Paris Peace Conference and Canada's involvement with the United Nations, they also enlarge the scope of Canada's international history by subject, geography, and methodology. By demonstrating that race is a fundamental component of Canada and its international history, this book calls for reengagement with the histories of those marginalized in, or excluded from, the historical record.

Li Yujie (1900–1994) was a walking contradiction: a student leader of the Shanghai May Fourth movement and a Guomindang member and technocrat in the Nanjing government, but also a cadre in Xiao Changming's redemptive society—the Heavenly Virtues Teachings—and eventually the founder of two redemptive societies in his own right (the Heaven and Man Teachings and the Heavenly Emperor Teachings). Through a biographical study of Li Yujie, this article examines the complex appeal of redemptive societies to parts of the educated elite during China's Republican period. The author focuses particularly on the period between 1937 and 1945, when Li retired to the sacred mountain of Huashan. There, with the help of Huang Zhenxia, a self-taught intellectual also employed by the Guomindang, Li sought to modernize the "White Lotus" teachings that he had received from his master by incorporating scientific insights received via spirit writing. Li believed that he was creating a new religion more adapted to the twentieth century. Both the texts produced on Huashan and the military and political elite that were attracted to these texts allow us to raise new questions about secularism and religion, traditional beliefs and science in the context of Republican-period China, thereby suggesting that the conflict between the modernizing state and traditional religious culture was not always as stark as we have believed it to be.