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Cet article traite de la différence entre l'écriture historiographique, qui vise à établir la vérité des événements, et l'écriture scénaristique et audiovisuelle de l'histoire, qui pluralise le temps et visualise l'espace dans sa matérialité. La singularité de l'article repose dans le fait qu'il s'agit d'un témoignage d'historien, qui, se voyant limité par les canons et les conventions de sa discipline, sent le besoin d'un autre langage, plus proche de la complexité de l'expérience du passé et plus accessible à un large public. Les médias, tels l'écriture, la scénarisation, la mise en image cinématographique ou télévisuelle, sont analysés et comparés les uns aux autres en vertu de leur capacité à rendre compte d'une expérience que l'historiographie a trop souvent sacrifiée, mais qui se ressaisirait dans la mise en scène d'une temporalité plurielle et d'une spatialité émotionnelle et sociale. L'article distingue en particulier deux pratiques d'écriture cinématographique : la fictionnalisation de l'histoire et l'historicisation de la fiction.
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La grÈve de l'amiante de 1949 est certes le conflit qui a le plus marqué la conscience historique des Québécois. Depuis la publication en 1956 du volume sur la grève dirigé par Pierre Elliott Trudeau, le conflit est interprété comme un événement capital dans l'histoire sociale du Québec. À partir d'une recherche neuve dans divers fonds d'archives, nous en avons revu l'interprétation en faisant ressortir que le conflit représente une défaite assez cuisante des syndicats, qui aurait pu encore être plus désastreuse n'eut été l'aide du clergé. En outre, notre recherche nous a permis de mettre en relief un enjeu négligé de la grève, le projet de réforme de l'entreprise (cogestion, copropriété, participation aux bénéfices) mis de l'avant par de jeunes clercs qui reprennent des idées alors en vogue chez des intellectuels catholiques en Europe et qui trouvent une oreille sympathique chez certains évêques québécois. Cette revendication est reprise par des syndicats catholiques au Québec dont ceux de l'amiante en 1948 et 1949. Les compagnies minières y sont fermement opposées accusant les syndicats de vouloir s'arroger les droits de la direction et la Canadian Johns Manville insiste pour ajouter à la convention collective de 1950 un long paragraphe sur son droit de gérance. La question intéresse aussi vivement un organisme patronal, l'Association professionnelle des industriels fondée en 1943 pour regrouper les patrons catholiques. L'organisme combat vivement l'idée de cogestion auprès des autorités religieuses. Mais le dernier mot appartient au pape qui, en 1950, y voit un danger et un glissement vers une mentalité socialiste. La promotion de la réforme de l'entreprise est alors abandonnée par les clercs et mis en veilleuse par les syndicats catholiques.
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Debate on the role of international unions (unions with headquarters in the United States) in Canada is longstanding. One school of thought maintains that internationals have weakened Canada's union movement; another view holds that international and national unions acted in concert and increased the number of disputes and the likelihood of workers' victory. Using a newly created data base of strike dimensions for the period before World War I, the key years of union growth in Canada, we test these opposing views in a competing-risks framework. We find that internationals did not weaken Canada's union movement; nor did the two union types act in concert. Instead, internationals were absorbed in Canada's industrial relations framework.
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A 12th-century index (Paris, Bibl. Mazarine 1708, fol. 27) reveals the existence and arrangement of a factitious collection of Vitae containing a number of hagiographic quires copied separately in the 10th-11th centuries; in the 14th century or earlier this collection was dismembered and six of its parts were redistributed between two manuscripts (Mazarine 1708 and 1711). The criteria for recognizing such quires are discussed as well as the consequences of this editorial practice for the circulation of hagiographic works.
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The present study on the colonies of Andros is driven by the need to increase our knowledge of the northern colonies as a whole. Northern Greece is the least well documented of the regions which were reached by the 8th and 7th c. B.C. Greek colonists. Not only does the study of the Andrian colonies augment the available documentation on the northern Greeks, it also provides an opportunity to examine one mother-city's overall colonization process. Through the sum of ancient sources and archaeological data pertaining to the four Andrian colonies, the study attempts to lay out the socio-economic history of the colonies as a whole and as separate entities. Such aspects as: 1) The foundation dates; the colonization process; 2) the relations with the indigenous populations; and 3) the economic relations with the other Greek colonies in the region, as well as the major centers of the Greek mainland, are examined. There is first question of the colonizing enterprises undertaken by Eretria, Chalcis, and Paros so that a general understanding of the overall colonization of the northern Aegean coast can be obtained. The resulting synthesis helps fill in the gaps in the history of the Andrian colonies caused by the lack of primary sources for the latter, whether they be literary or archaeological. The socio-economic history of the colonies from the time of their foundation to the end of the 5th c. B.C. which is based on the analysis of the preliminary study of the Parian and Euboean colonization in the north, the ancient sources, and the archaeological remnants, taken in conjunction with what is known of the indigenous population, is the end result of the study. Though literary sources date the foundation of the colonies to 655/54, based on the archaeological evidence available, it is established that the colonies were founded within the 3rd quarter of the 7th c. B.C. An orderly pattern of colonization seems to have prevailed in that the colonies were established successively in accordance with the previous colonization efforts by the city-states of Euboea and the pre-established sea route the geographical emplacement of Andros imposes. Therefore, Sane, situated on the isthmus of Acte, and apparently colonized with the help of the Chalcidians, was the first to be settled, then came in order, Akanthos, Stagira, Argilos, and perhaps Tragilos. It is concluded, with relative probability, That Tragilos was also an Andrian colony established in the lst half of the 6th century. It has also been deemed highly probable that the colonies, after the initial foundation of Sane, were in part settled by land and that Thracian tribes, residing at both extremities of the Andrian periphery, undoubtedly contributed in the actual colonization process. The 6th and 5th centuries witnessed the gradual increase of commercial importance of the northern colonies reflected, in the lst half of the 6th c. by the influx of Corinthian pottery, no doubt due to the foundation of Potidaea, and of Thasian pottery. The trend of growing commercial interactions is characterized in the 2nd half of the 6th c. with the marked presence of Athenian pottery and the start of coining at three of the four colonies. Spurred by the Persian and general eastern demand for silver, Stagira and Akanthos began to mint coins around 530 B.C. while Argilos, which never seemed to have direct access to silver mines, only began around 510 B.C. The fact that Sane seems to have remained coinless throughout its existence suggests that it was primarily a settlement of an agricultural nature and that Akanthos may actually have exerted a hegemony of sorts over it. Strong bonds with the east meant that the Akanthian coin production was dominant in the area as of the end of the last Persian War until their production ceased in 380 B.C., ousting Stagira out of the picture during the course of this period. Argilos ceased production as of the middle of the 5th century which is to be attributed to a shift in Athenian interest in the region represented by the drop of the tribute to be paid to Athens by Argilos from 10.5 talents to 1 talent in 116/5, the increase from 3 talents to 30 talents in the Thasian tribute for the same year, the foundation of Amphipolis, and the Athenian presence at Berge which has been closely linked to the minting of coins at Tragil os. As the Athenian empire began to dwindle following the Peloponnesian Wars, the history of the colonies becomes intertwined with that of the growing Macedonian power which, by the middle of the 4th century would control the entire region. Overall, it would seem that Sane was commercially inactive throughout its existence, Stagira was able to exploit and profit from the nearby silver mines from the middle of the 6th c. until about 480 when it gradually started to lose importance to Akanthos, which remained a strong and independent city well into the 4th century, while Argilos, though probably more important than Akanthos for part of the 5th c., regretfully became insignificant, especially after the foundation of Amphipolis in 437 B.C.
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Cet article vise à tracer un bilan des recherches historiques québécoises, mais aussi canadiennes-anglaises, qui se sont intéressées au thème des femmes et de la santé. Deux perspectives y sont explorées : celle des praticiennes, essentiellement les infirmières, et celle des patientes, en particulier les mères. Centré autour de la question de l'autonomie des femmes vis-à-vis des médecins et de la dimension « genrée » des activités soignantes, ce bilan veut faire ressortir l'importance de prendre les femmes en compte dans toute étude portant sur l'univers de la santé, car elles ont certainement été les plus nombreuses à dispenser des soins et à les recevoir.
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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.
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La légende de Trophonios associe souvent le héros à son frère Agamède et à la construction, par une τέχνη proche de la magie, de chambres closes et secrètes, intermédiaires entre l'ici et l'au-delà. Elles s'ouvrent à certains privilégiés par un passage théoriquement interdit : voyage aux enfers, l'oracle de Trophonios, à Lébadée, répond donc à l'essence mythologique de son titulaire. La généalogie des deux frères confirme leur appartenance à la classe des héros qui franchissent les frontières sans retour
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