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On 22 June 1845, a curious religious procession took place in the streets of Montreal. A “huge crowd” gathered to accompany through the city the body of a man exhumed from the Roman catacombs. His bones had been shipped to Montreal and placed in a wax figure representing a Roman soldier. Presumed to have died for his faith, this martyr was carried through the streets at arm’s length amid incense and hymns. Surprisingly, this procession was not an isolated one. From 1830 to 1930, the remains of dozens of presumed Christian martyrs extracted from the Roman catacombs were sent to Canada. In Halifax, Rimouski, Joliette, Toronto, and Windsor, they attracted the faithful and the curious. Adopted as powerful intercessors, these foreign saints would shape the beliefs, representations, and identity of generations of Catholics. Around their relics, a whole devotional universe would develop and maintain various and complex relations with society. These relics provide us with a unique window into nineteenth-century Canadian society. This thesis makes a significant contribution to historiography by exploring for the first time the topic of ultramontane devotions in Canada. It studies the deployment of the cult of Roman martyrs and their relics in the Canadian Church and reconstitutes the development of this devotion from a cultural history perspective. Using archival documents found on both sides of the Atlantic, this thesis examines how Canadians discovered, sought, and adopted this foreign devotion. In reality, this infatuation for Roman relics is primarily a transnational phenomenon that is part of the profound changes that the Catholic Church experienced in the nineteenth century, driven in particular by the Ultramontane movement. Therefore, it seeks to situate the presence of relics from the catacombs in Canada in its global context while considering its Canadian particularities. It rests on a considerable number of novel sources drawn from more than thirty archival centers. With the help of these documents, it examines the different facets that this devotion had, whether in cities or the countryside, among English-speaking or French-speaking communities or in predominantly Catholic or Protestant environments. The first chapter reveals the fascination with Christian Rome among nineteenth-century Canadians and the importance that the catacombs and their martyrs had in the minds of the Catholic faithful. The second chapter identifies the many networks uniting the Canadian Church with Rome, and more broadly with Europe, that allowed the acquisition and shipping of relics to Canada. It replaces this devotion in a larger framework by linking it to other manifestations of this expression of piety elsewhere in the world. It pays particular attention to the exchange of goods between the Italian peninsula and North America by studying the commercial routes that allowed the circulation of relics. The remaining three chapters are devoted to the presentation, the reception, and the adoption of catacomb saints in Canada. They examine the art of molding wax bodies containing relics and the symbolism of these recumbent-reliquaries, before describing the religious ceremony organized to mark the arrival of a new martyr. Finally, this thesis explores the faithful’s various expressions of piety: patronages, prayers, indulgences, and claims of miracles. It examines the attachment but also the opposition and the tensions provoked by Roman relics within society. This research demonstrates the influence that foreign religious devotions held in the spiritual lives of Canadians and the many connections uniting Canadian society with Europe. It also testifies to significant changes in the devotional universe of the nineteenth century. But above all, it highlights the profound transformations of both culture and mentalities and particularly of beliefs, emotions, and the idea of death. This study contributes to a better understanding of the religious past of several generations of Canadians by studying a devotion that has now completely been forgotten.

While Caesar and his writings have been thoroughly studied for the past two centuries, it is time to make use of a new approach pioneered by Arthur M. Eckstein to study him. In his Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate War, and the Rise of Rome Eckstein argues that Rome opportunistically conquered Italy and the Eastern Mediterranean through a series of defensive wars or “invitations”. What is novel about this approach is its use of political science paradigms, with a heavy emphasis on the concept of the realist anarchy. As such, using Eckstein’s framework and applying it to Caesar’s Bellum Gallicum this thesis shows that Caesar, contrarily to traditional historiography, did not conquer Gaul out of sheer bellicosity and personal ambition, but rather, as a result of a direct invitation from Rome’s Gallic allies to defensively interfere on their behalf in an act of bellum iustum. To do so, we will demonstrate that a state of anarchy exists in Gaul in accordance to Eckstein’s wider Mediterranean system. After which, a detailed analysis of Caesar’s De Bello Gallico will outline the specific instances in which Caesar opportunistically used this pre-existing anarchy to his advantage, before finally delving into the specificities of the “invitations” along with an analysis of Caesar’s use of aggressive diplomacy. To achieve this, we used first and foremost, Caesar’s commentaries as the primary sources, while Eckstein’s aforementioned work gave us the interpretative concepts and theoretical basis we needed; additionally, we drew on multiple supplementary primary sources and the surrounding relevant scholarship. After we demonstrated that Gaul was an anarchic system, we successfully applied Eckstein’s model, and its results clearly showed that the Gauls’ bellicosity against each other blinded them to the Roman danger, which Caesar used to systematically intervene, filling the power vacua left behind in his wake. This model is important because it provides us with an alternate explanation to the Roman conquest of Gaul, using one of history’s sister disciplines, political science. With this approach’s viability proven, it opens the door for vast other studies, in this as of yet, unexplored direction.

This mémoire aims to show that media space, in times of commemoration, is a privileged place for historians who want to capture the dynamics of a community’s memory. Our case study is the media coverage of the centenary of the First World War through the lens of The Guardian, Le Monde and Die Süeddeutsche Zeitung. We analysed in these newspapers the press coverage from June 2014 to July 2017 in the online sections First world war, Centenaire 14-18 and Erster Weltkrieg. This study uses an operative definition of collective memory that allows us to understand the necessity, in the history of memory field, to study journalism not simply as an archive, but also as a discursive space where various complex representations of the past meet and communicate in order to redefine themselves. This discursive space has two points of junction: Practiced history and “mythistory”. The dynamics of this space have been studied for each publication in this research. First, we identify the major historical configurations of the Great War, the role of historians in the coverage, and try to see to which extent these configurations are expressed in the three newspapers studied. Finally, the commemorative intentions of the newspapers are identified and then tested through a study of news-flow and an analysis of the lexical fields of the respective media coverage.

This thesis presents representations of the traditional ritual practices of the Iroquoians and Algonquians that the French Jesuit missionaries have revealed in their writings. Sometimes in spite of themselves, the missionaries describe Indigenous people endowed with religious powers, descriptions which we will examine. The territory analyzed is therefore mainly that of the missions, namely the St. Lawrence Valley, the surrounding country and the Great Lakes region, a slice of America that remained largely Indigenous during the period of interest to us, namely from 1632, date of the first Relations with the Jesuit Paul Le Jeune, until 1724, the date of publication of the book Mœurs des Sauvages by Joseph-François Lafitau. This careful examination of the Jesuit works reveals, from a perspective of gender history, excerpts relating to rituals and spheres of activity of Aboriginal men and women. These results are confronted with numerous studies on First Nations or on the Jesuits and their North American missions. This multidisciplinary convergence then leads us to ask: what do missionaries see, or do not see, in the role of men, women, and to some extent, “men-women” and “women-men” within Aboriginal rituals, and in what circumstances?

In order to standardize the administrative and judicial procedures in a duchy at the heights of its expansion, the duke Amédée VIII of Savoy (1391-1440) adopted in 1430 a set of laws, the « Statutes of Savoy » or Decreta Sabaudiae, which proposed a reform of the State apparatus. But what was the true impact of these Decreta on the exercice of justice in Savoy? This essay seeks to use accounting and fiscal sources from the bailliage of Bresse between 1420 and 1440 in order to determine what were the judicial institutions and practices at the time of the adoption of the Statutes of 1430. A thorough analysis of these new decrees would then establish if they managed to significally change the habits and behavior of the duke’s officiers and subjects. It appears that in the end, the Decreta seeked to correct judicial practices that were neglected over time : the major changes wished by the duke were in fact already established before the adoption of the new Statutes. As for the new penal laws of Amédée VIII, the documentation of Bresse could not prove their concrete enforcement.

Publiés en 1838 mais datant pour l’essentiel de la fin du régime français au Canada, Les Mémoires du S... de C..., contenant l’histoire du Canada durant la guerre, et sous le gouvernement anglais sont attribués depuis 1940 à Louis-Léonard Aumasson de Courville (c. 1722-1781), un notaire et écrivain d’origine champenoise ayant vécu en Acadie française et dans la vallée du Saint-Laurent.. Le manuscrit (conservé aux archives du musée McCord de Montréal) à la base de cette publication daterait donc de la fin des années 1750. Peu après la prise de la colonie par les Britanniques, Courville s’est mis à réviser ce texte à l’intention de la nouvelle administration, rédigeant un deuxième manuscrit correspondant, à se fier à l’exemplaire conservé (également aux archives McCord), à une partie seulement du premier. Les deux versions se distinguent de nombre d’autres témoignages de cette période par leur ton incisif et leur touche anticléricale. Le premier chapitre du mémoire s’attache à suivre l’histoire des textes courvilliens : les circonstances de leur rédaction et leur utilisation dans l’historiographie, mais aussi leur étude par Aegidius Fauteux, celui qui percera le mystère entourant la personne qui s’est cachée pendant presque deux siècles derrière le pseudonyme du « S... de C... ». Le deuxième chapitre s’interroge sur les motifs de l’auteur de ces mémoires, s’attachant pour ce faire à suivre son parcours personnel difficile. Enfin, le troisième chapitre est consacré à l’analyse du propos de Courville dans les deux versions de ses Mémoires, véritable réquisitoire contre la corruption du régime français finissant.

Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie politique de Paul Levi, militant marxiste qui a fait carrière en Allemagne durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Dès 1914, Levi incarne un courant radical à l’intérieur du Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD). Il dénonce, entre autres, aux côtés de Rosa Luxemburg l’appui du parti à l’effort militaire national. Levi s’inspire également de Lénine qu’il rencontre pour la première fois en Suisse en 1916-1917. Lorsqu’il prend les commandes du Parti communiste d’Allemagne (KPD) en 1919, Levi dirige celui-ci d’une main de fer, selon le concept du « centralisme démocratique ». Il fait également tout en son pouvoir pour faire éclater la révolution ouvrière en Allemagne afin d’installer une dictature du prolétariat qui exclurait toutes les classes non ouvrières du pouvoir. En ce sens, Levi imagine un État socialiste semblable à celui fondé par Lénine en Russie en 1917. Contrairement à l’historiographie traditionnelle, notre thèse montre conséquemment que Levi n’était guère un « socialiste démocrate ». Il était plutôt un militant marxiste qui, par son radicalisme, a contribué à diviser le mouvement ouvrier allemand ce qui, en revanche, a fragilisé la république de Weimar. Cette thèse fait également ressortir le caractère résolument rebelle de Paul Levi. Partout où il passe, Levi dénonce les politiques bourgeoises des partis non-ouvriers, mais aussi celles de la majorité des organisations dont il fait partie, c’est-à-dire les partis ouvriers de la république de Weimar et le Reichstag. Son tempérament impulsif fait de lui un homme politique isolé qui, d’ailleurs, se fait de nombreux ennemis. En 1921, à titre d’exemple, il se brouille avec d’importants bolcheviques, ce qui met fin à sa carrière au sein du KPD. Les communistes voient désormais en lui un ennemi de la classe ouvrière et mènent contre lui de nombreuses campagnes diffamatoires. Levi, de son côté, dénonce ouvertement la terreur stalinienne qui, selon lui, est en train de contaminer le mouvement communiste européen. Notre travail montre également que Levi, cette fois en tant qu’avocat juif, lutte corps et âme contre les nazis. En 1926, dans le cadre d’une commission d’enquête publique du Reichstag chargée de faire la lumière sur des meurtres politiques commis en Bavière, il tente par tous les moyens d’inculper certains criminels nazis. Levi est conséquemment la cible de la presse antisémite allemande. Il refuse toutefois de céder à l’intimidation et choisit plutôt de poursuivre en justice quelques-uns des plus importants membres du Parti nazi, dont Alfred Rosenberg et Hitler lui-même, en plus de forcer de nombreux autres nazis à comparaître devant la commission d’enquête du Reichstag. Bref, si ce travail se veut critique envers la pensée révolutionnaire de Levi, il souligne aussi l’intégrité politique de cet homme dont les convictions sont demeurées inébranlables face aux dérives criminelles des extrêmes idéologiques de son époque.

Relics are items linked to the saints, or to the Christ. Relics carry spiritual power, called virtus, source of miracles. Since the Antiquity, and especially since the Middle Age, relics played an essential part in the life of christian societies. The fact remains that the medieval theologians seemed to have reserved, for the cult of relics, a small part of their writings, as to be regarded by historians as having been presenting "a theoretical elaboration inversely proportional to its significance " and did not elicit any debate. This thesis thus proposes to study, through the various accounts left on the cult of relics, the ancient and medieval, what were the views, beliefs and controversies around the cult of relics. The hypothesis is therefore proposed that a "problem of the relics" existed, throughout the Middle Age, intimately linked to developments in the cult of saints and ideas on the Eucharist. A shift occurs during the Middle Ages, from a criticism, considered heretical, of the cult itself, to a denial of abuse and vagueness of this cult in the name of orthodoxy. These persistent speeches, if not a debate, about the validity and the mystical mechanisms and abuse of such a cult, would be well crystallized in the twelfth century, reflected in many contemporary writers, such as Thiofrid Echternach and especially Guibert of Nogent, stressing the need for theoretical development and codification of these practices.