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Les relations franco-soviétiques font l'objet de nouvelles études depuis l'ouverture des archives russes après la chute du communisme au début des années 1990. La présente étude vise à cerner comment la presse française percevait l'URSS et ses relations avec la France entre 1932 et 1934. Cette période est cruciale, car elle correspond à l'arrivée du nazisme en Allemagne et à un certain rapprochement franco-soviétique. La prise du pouvoir par Hitler eut un impact majeur sur les relations entre les deux pays, mais ce ne fut pas toujours compris rapidement en entièrement. Les journaux analysaient la situation avec une perspective compromise par leurs opinions politiques ou leurs intérêts financiers. Néanmoins, nous observons une nette évolution de leurs points de vue sur les 21 mois étudiés ici. Cela est dû à l'aggravation de la menace allemande et à la politique menée par l'URSS et par une partie du corps politique français. Afin d'avoir un échantillon viable, nous nous intéresserons à quatre quotidiens majeurs : Le Figaro, Le Temps, Le Populaire et L'Humanité. Mis ensemble, ces journaux représentent l'essentiel du panorama politique français. Les journaux de droite se firent de moins en moins critiques vis-à-vis de l'URSS, sans pour autant abandonner leur méfiance. Ceux de gauche soutinrent le rapprochement, tout en restant incrédules quant à la situation réelle. Cette recherche en est une de la perspective de l'autre, du rôle des médias dans la société et de l'influence de l'idéologie politique.

La ville de Liège, à la fin du Moyen Âge, fut le théâtre de l’affirmation de ses bourgeois par l’entremise des corporations de métier et des institutions communales. Le XIVe siècle fut en effet marqué par des gains communaux importants au détriment, d’une part, du patriciat urbain, d’autre part, du prince-évêque de Liège. À partir de 1384, le Conseil liégeois, entièrement entre les mains des artisans, possédait des prérogatives étendues dans l’administration et la gestion de la ville. Toutefois, la progression du pouvoir bourgeois se trouva brusquement stoppée, pour une dizaine d’années, lors de la défaite liégeoise d’Othée, en 1408. Ce mémoire porte sur l’évolution du pouvoir communal liégeois dans la première moitié du XVe siècle, moins bien connue des historiens. L’étude de la chronique de Jean de Stavelot permet de mettre en lumière cette période trouble. La défaite d’Othée de même que les réformes imposées par les princes-évêques causèrent notamment de grands bouleversements. Des partis politiques entrèrent aussi en scène et la présence voisine du puissant duc de Bourgogne influença la vie des Liégeois. Ces particularités issues du contexte politique et social sont autant d’éléments qui influèrent sur la volonté d’affirmation des bourgeois et l’exercice du pouvoir communal à Liège.

This study aspires to place thirteenth-century Iceland more fully within the historiographical debate on the individual in the Middle Ages, which has tended to focus on continental Western Europe. It interrogates the perception that the ancient Icelanders had of themselves in relation to the notion of individualism. In turn, it seeks to identify the sustained relationship with the collective, to determine if the Icelanders could conceive and define themselves beyond group structures or membership. Analysis of the content of the sagas of Icelanders (Íslendingasögur), a literary genre specific to Iceland, makes it possible to formulate a history of mentalité for this purpose. The notion of honor, a central theme in the texts, serves to evaluate the degree of individuality accorded the ancient Icelanders. The various dimensions of honor as expressed in the sagas are then dessected to answer this question. Honor is first considered in its relation to reputation. The importance of the idea of reputation as well as the process by which it is established is then observed. Analysis of how honor and its pursuit are motivating themes in the sagas are then considered. Finally, honor is perceived under the theme of the perception of oneʼs dignity and its social implications.

Deprived of his land inheritance like many youngest-born of peasant descent, Martin Bertrand (1915-2008) eventually fled life as a seminarian in the French High-Alps by enlisting in the Mobile Guard and then being stationed in Casablanca, Morocco in 1941. Following the Anglo–American invasion of French North Africa, he was drafted in 1943 to lead a Moroccan colonial recruit unit. With “his” tirailleurs, he took part in the Italian campaign, the Provence landing, the liberation of Alsace, and the occupation of Germany. After the War, he returned to Morocco only to be deployed 3 years later with the same battalion to Tourane, Indochina where the French colonial administration attempted to retake control of the region. During each one of his long absences, Martin Bertrand wrote almost daily to his wife Hélène, descendent of Spanish settlers established in Algeria. By analyzing these letters, this master’s thesis proposes to integrate Martin Bertrand’s experiences, in his functions as a non-commissioned officer in a colonial regiment, into a broader imperial story where France led her armies through her last colonial wars and destabilized the colonial order under which each soldier was governed. Furthermore, this study compares Martin Bertrand’s private letters with more official sources like troop morale reports which allows for an analysis of the complex social and ethnic hierarchies between French non-commissioned officers and “indigenous” troops. At the same time, it explores the deeper questionings of a military intermediary’s self-identity.

The Great Peace of Montreal (1701) is a manifestation of the success of French-Amerindian diplomacy, highlighting the many cultural adjustments that allowed for a global alliance and peace between New France and the nations of the Pays d’en Haut. This study looks at the following decade, and the ways in which diplomatic relations between French and Natives developed in Montreal at the beginning of the 18th century. Examining the colonial correspondence that was sent back and forth from Versailles to Montreal, it analyses colonial discourses to better understand how diplomatic practices evolved, and how Montreal played a key role as the urban setting for these pluricultural negotiations. Although these letters present a Eurocentric point of view, a particular consideration was given to Native speeches given during peace negotiations that are transcribed in the correspondence, but also to everything left unsaid by the official correspondents. This study analyses first how diplomacy took place in Montreal, taking an interest in the actors, the urban setting and the practices that surround it. Then it observes the development brought to diplomatic practices by new political stakes in the early 18th century. Ending the analysis at the end of the War of the Spanish Succession (Utrecht, 1713), the thesis concludes that this decade contributed to the continuous strengthening of a pluricultural diplomatic tradition that was ingrained in the urban setting of Montreal.

This memoir examines Ai Weiwei’s life. Often portrayed as one of the most popular Chinese dissidents in the world, Ai Weiwei is depicted in Western media and governments as a brave opponent of the Chinese Communist Party who dares to defend the values of democratic systems. For its part, the Chinese regime prefers to present him as a disruptive element that has lost its Chinese identity. Through these different representations, we wonder who Ai Weiwei really is? More exactly, is he really a dissident? What values does he defend and why? What other aspects of his personality deserve our attention to better understand the person he is?In order to answer these questions, this memoir aimed to guide the analysis around the aspects of art, Internet and dissent in China. These three elements are closely linked to Ai Weiwei’s life and they offer the necessary tools to understanding our subject of study. Ultimately, we hypothesize that Ai Weiwei is not the character that governments and media around the world describe to us. The analysis reveals that he does not defend exclusively Western values and that he has not lost his Chinese identity. He shows activism attitude while art and Internet play a leading role in conveying his opinions. He officially became a Chinese dissident in 2011 when he was arrested, but he has since regained much of his freedom. In recent years, Ai Weiwei has redirected his activism towards issues that do not directly target the Chinese government to address human causes at the international level.

La question métisse en Indochine française est un sujet complexe sur lequel plusieurs auteurs ce sont attardés, mais qui constitue encore un riche terrain de recherches et d’analyses pour les historiens de la colonisation. Ce mémoire tente d’explorer les multiples dialogues et interactions entre la sphère publique indochinoise urbaine s’exprimant en langue française et les pouvoirs coloniaux métropolitains en ce qui a trait au traitement des enfants métis franco-vietnamiens considérés comme « abandonnés » lors de l’entre-deux-guerre. Il tend ainsi à démontrer l’utilisation politique faite de la question métisse par les pouvoirs français dans l’optique d’une légitimation coloniale visant à pérenniser leur système de domination. Dans ce processus, plusieurs réflexions journalistiques, témoignages et objets de propagande ont été confrontés au discours gouvernemental officiel afin de dresser un tableau holistique et synthétique des multiples ambiguïtés inhérentes au déploiement de la stratégie coloniale française en Asie du sud-est : la « mission civilisatrice ».