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Jean-Stanislas Mittié, a medical doctor from the Paris region, develops and attempts to gain approval for a vegetal cure to syphilis between 1777 and 1795. The present memoir proposes an analysis of the various textual documents surrounding his endeavours in order to assess the impact of the end of the Ancien Régime and the French Revolution on his medical practice. His individual story reveals the important transformations of institutional, political and cultural power structures regulating medicine at the end of the 18th century.

While strategies had been developed by the public authorities that had been operating in Dakar since the 1920s to contain the spread of tuberculosis, a social disease then identified as an obstacle to France's socio-political and economic projects in Dakar and West Africa, in 2019, some 40 years after Senegal's decolonization, the disease continued to be a concern for the city's health authorities. This raises several questions: Why, despite the manufacture of an anti-tuberculosis vaccine since the 1920s and the discovery of specific drugs in the 1940s and 1950s, tuberculosis continues to defy the plans implemented in Dakar to contain its spread? What has been done to halt its spread? Did the fight against tuberculosis in Dakar also involve action on the factors that contributed to the spread of the disease? Was it the implementation of TB control measures that was failing? The hypothesis underlying this thesis is that the fight against tuberculosis was not a priority for Dakar health authorities, but also that the inadequacy of the various preventive and curative measures against this disease explains the limits of the action taken so far and, consequently, the persistence of tuberculosis in this city. Through an evaluation of the organization and execution of the various measures taken since 1924, this thesis attempts to shed light on the factors explaining the persistence of tuberculosis in Dakar until 1969 and to identify continuities, and not only breaks, between the colonial and national periods in order to better understand the current place of the infectious disease in the country. It also envisages seeing with reference to what knowledge and practices were maked choices concerning measures to combat tuberculosis and seeks to study the modalities of implementation of the various measures adopted to halt the development of this disease in order to grasp distances between intentions and actions taken. In order to assess the impact of the various plans to combat tuberculosis in Dakar over the chosen period, attention is also paid to their reception and the attitudes that they have aroused among the population of Dakar.

While Caesar and his writings have been thoroughly studied for the past two centuries, it is time to make use of a new approach pioneered by Arthur M. Eckstein to study him. In his Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate War, and the Rise of Rome Eckstein argues that Rome opportunistically conquered Italy and the Eastern Mediterranean through a series of defensive wars or “invitations”. What is novel about this approach is its use of political science paradigms, with a heavy emphasis on the concept of the realist anarchy. As such, using Eckstein’s framework and applying it to Caesar’s Bellum Gallicum this thesis shows that Caesar, contrarily to traditional historiography, did not conquer Gaul out of sheer bellicosity and personal ambition, but rather, as a result of a direct invitation from Rome’s Gallic allies to defensively interfere on their behalf in an act of bellum iustum. To do so, we will demonstrate that a state of anarchy exists in Gaul in accordance to Eckstein’s wider Mediterranean system. After which, a detailed analysis of Caesar’s De Bello Gallico will outline the specific instances in which Caesar opportunistically used this pre-existing anarchy to his advantage, before finally delving into the specificities of the “invitations” along with an analysis of Caesar’s use of aggressive diplomacy. To achieve this, we used first and foremost, Caesar’s commentaries as the primary sources, while Eckstein’s aforementioned work gave us the interpretative concepts and theoretical basis we needed; additionally, we drew on multiple supplementary primary sources and the surrounding relevant scholarship. After we demonstrated that Gaul was an anarchic system, we successfully applied Eckstein’s model, and its results clearly showed that the Gauls’ bellicosity against each other blinded them to the Roman danger, which Caesar used to systematically intervene, filling the power vacua left behind in his wake. This model is important because it provides us with an alternate explanation to the Roman conquest of Gaul, using one of history’s sister disciplines, political science. With this approach’s viability proven, it opens the door for vast other studies, in this as of yet, unexplored direction.

From 1635 onward, Tokugawa Japan closed itself to any type of foreign trade, with the establishment of the isolationist policy of sakoku, and only merchants operating on behalf of the Dutch East India Company were permitted to trade in the country, on a limited basis. It was in this context that the True Description of the Mighty Kingdoms of Japan and Siam was written, in 1636, by a Protestant Dutch merchant known as François Caron. The work, a brief administrative document, which was not initially intended for publication, was a great success from its first publication in 1661, and was translated into several languages. As part of this thesis, we will study the impact of the True Description on perceptions of the Japanese in 17th century France, through the rich descriptions made by its author of the society and culture of Edo Japan. To do this, we will first analyze the writings of the Jesuits, who were the first to build a particular image of the Japanese and to have a lasting influence on the way they were described and perceived. Secondly, we will analyze in detail the content of the True Description in order to determine the image that a Dutch merchant of the 17th century may have had of Japan and its people. As a conclusion, we will examine the influence of the True Description on the way French authors wrote about Japan from the end of the 17th century to the beginning of the Enlightenment.

Communications between France and Canada, in the 18th century, were defined by an annual rhythm marked by the seasons and the dangers of crossing the Atlantic. Louis-Guillaume Verrier was the king’s attorney-general at the Conseil supérieur of Québec between 1728 and 1758. Born in France, he moved to Québec to join the Conseil supérieur at the age of 37. He left us around 200 letters that he received during those 30 years. By reading these documents, we understand the importance of a good organization to make sure that the letters reach their addressee efficiently. All kinds of people write to Verrier, from close members of his family to mere acquaintances who wish to obtain services for a relative in New France. Family and friends of the attorney-general send news of their health and hope that their addressee’s is good too. Verrier also receives a lot of news concerning European politics and administrative or judiciary matters. This reflects (indirectly) Verrier’s desire to be kept informed of what goes on in the world that he left behind, pointing to his attachment to his motherland and the people that he no longer saw, but also a desire to return someday to continue his career. Living in an Atlantic world, Louis-Guillaume Verrier belongs at the same time to Canada, where he lives, and to France, where his relatives’ letters take him each year.

This masters’ thesis analyses the connections between the first allied military trials held in postwar Germany and German public opinion toward the British and American occupation forces. Focused on the Belsen trial, held in the British occupation zone from September to November 1945, and the Dachau trial, held by the American military government in the U.S. occupation zone between November and December 1945, this study seeks to highlight the importance both trials held for the British and the Americans in establishing positive relations with the Germans. Using Belsen and Dachau as case studies, it argues that, while they were essential to British and American denazification and re-education programs, they also had to be conducted in a manner that ensured the best possible relationship the German public and the occupation forces in both the American and British occupation zones. I demonstrate that, from the initial steps implemented to set up the trials through their conclusion, both powers took German concerns and reactions to the judiciary procedures into account: first by anchoring the charges and the trials themselves in international law preceding the Second World War; then by providing the right to a defense to the accused. Both factors, the Allies believed, allowed them to claim a moral authority over their occupation zone. The memoir’s examination of the trials and their purpose is complimented by an analysis of the press coverage of the trials and public opinion surveys taken after the trials. This study states that the press coverage was oftentimes one the first instances in which Germans were confronted to the atrocities committed in the concentration camps. Finally, this study argues that, as a part of larger programs, the trials had a limited success as a tool to implement positive relations between the British and American occupation forces and the German population.

In 1346, Philip VI of Valois enacted the Ordinance of Brunoy. This lengthy document aimed at reorganizing the kingdom’s forest administration in order to ensure that royal forests remained sufficiently profitables and adequately managed. For most of the past century, historians have believed the Ordinance of Brunoy to be the first true expression of the forest policies of the French crown. In reality, Philip VI benefited from a wealth of regulations already in place which had been developped by his predecessors since the beginning of the XIIIth century. It can be argued that the reign of Philip Augustus, and especially his conquest of Normandy in 1204, truly marks the inception of the first forest policies by the French royal government. From that time on, royal forests in Normandy were managed according to a set of strict regulations aiming at limiting usage rights and guaranteeing a steady contribution to the kingdom’s finances. Forests during the Middle Ages served multiple purposes : beside their input in royal finances, they were vital to rural economy, and formed a space over which medieval princes exercised their justice, authority, power and generosity. The study of administrative sources from XIIIth and XIVth Normandy gives a better understanding of the development of these early policies, which revolved around the creation of a new administration headed by the masters of « Eaux et Forêts » and the formulation, under the auspices of common good, of a set of rules and regulations aiming at maintaining a balance between conservation, exploitation and usages. In truth, the forests of medieval Normandy were far from the archetypal woodlands of medieval litterature : they appear as a well delimited and rationalized space, managed and monitered by the king’s officers, and formed an area of contact and conflict between the royal government and the forests’ users.

Divination in ancient Greece is a well-known phenomenon, often associated with the emblematic character of the delphic Pythia. Inspired by Apollo, this prophetess delivered her oracles by answering the questions asked to her, and in many ancient texts the oracular consultations are summarized in the form of two complementary statements: "a man asked" and "The god has answered". However, the practices that took place in the oracular sanctuaries can’t be reduced to a tête-à-tête. Far from being limited to an inspired agent, the priestly staff of the oracular sanctuaries was numerous and took part in complex rites to enable the world of men to be put in communication with the gods. This work studies the diversity of these agents and the way in which their interactions allowed the divine word to come out. In the first part, we study the agents who participated in the rites of the seven oracular sanctuaries best attested in the Greek world in the Hellenistic and Roman times: the shrine of Zeus in Dodona, Apollo in Didyma, Claros and Delphi, Trophonios in Lebadeia, Amphiaraos in Oropos and Glykon in Abonoteichos. Each sanctuary is the subject of a chapter in which all the agents, human or not, who took part in the ritual are taken into consideration, in order to reconstitute the rites of questioning the god in their specificity. In a second part, this practice is thought more broadly as an institutional process who associated distinct actors at three different levels: the ceremony, the rite and the verbal exchange.

The main objective of this dissertation is to offer a social analysis of the classicizing historians of late antiquity. It aims to underline the interactions between history-writing and society. The first part presents the biographies of late antique classicising historians, from Eunapius of Sardis to Theophylact Simocatta. It describes the social profile of those historians, while insisting on the interactions between professional career and literary endeavours. The second part explains why most historians were lawyers and analyzes the place history-writing occupies in their social life. The third part deals with the social foundations of history writing. It focuses on the role of rhetorical education in the formation of future historians and shows how the virtues of the historian mirrored the social virtues of late antique elites.

The 250th anniversary of the founding of Rutgers University is a perfect moment for the Rutgers community to reconcile its past, and acknowledge its role in the enslavement and debasement of African Americans and the disfranchisement and elimination of Native American people and culture. Scarlet and Black, Volume Three, concludes this groundbreaking documentation of the history of Rutgers’s connection to slavery, which was neither casual nor accidental—nor unusual. Like most early American colleges, Rutgers depended on slaves to build its campuses and serve its students and faculty; it depended on the sale of black people to fund its very existence. This final of three volumes concludes the work of the Committee on Enslaved and Disenfranchised Population in Rutgers History. This latest volume includes essays about Black and Puerto Rican students' experiences; the development of the Black Unity League; the Conklin Hall takeover; the divestment movement against South African apartheid; anti-racism struggles during the 1990s; and the Don Imus controversy and the 2007 Scarlet Knights women's basketball team. To learn more about the work of the Committee on Enslaved and Disenfranchised Population in Rutgers History, visit the project's website at http://scarletandblack.rutgers.edu.

À la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et durant l’occupation militaire de l’Allemagne, les femmes allemandes ont été victimes de violence sexuelle perpétrée par les troupes alliées. Bien que les crimes commis par les soldats soviétiques et américains soient maintenant bien documentés, nul n’a à ce jour tenté de brosser un portrait des cas perpétrés par les soldats britanniques. Ce mémoire propose donc d’analyser la réaction des autorités militaires britanniques face aux cas de viol perpétrés par leurs soldats. Il cherche à comprendre dans quelle mesure la criminalité a été prise en charge par les autorités et comment les soldats ont réagi aux crimes commis par leurs compatriotes. À l’aide non seulement de sources juridiques et administratives, mais également de récits d’histoire orale, ce mémoire traite des facteurs menant à la dissimulation et l’ignorance de certains crimes de violence sexuelle. Au-delà des difficultés propres à l’enquête des crimes de viol rencontrées par la police militaire, notamment le faible taux de dénonciation et le manque de preuve matérielle, les autorités militaires choisissent également de ne pas examiner certains crimes ou de ne pas punir les agresseurs. Ce mémoire démontre que les autorités militaires sont influencées entre autres par les circonstances spécifiques de l’occupation d’un pays ennemi, par exemple la perception de la population allemande, et plus spécifiquement des femmes, comme étant manipulatrices, hypocrites et indignes de confiance. Les valeurs et les perceptions véhiculées par l’armée au sujet des femmes et de la sexualité, de même que l’ancrage des mythes du viol chez les soldats et les autorités judiciaires affectent la gestion de la criminalité. Ce mémoire propose également d’analyser le traitement de la violence sexuelle dans la mémoire des vétérans britanniques et démontre que leur volonté de protéger leur réputation et plus largement celle de l’armée britannique les poussent à traiter essentiellement des crimes commis par les autres Alliés ou de se décrire en héros protégeant ou rendant justice aux victimes allemandes. _____________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Allemagne, Armée britannique, Justice militaire, occupation militaire, Seconde Guerre mondiale, Violence sexuelle

This is a chapter from a draft manuscript of some 2000pp. in English being prepared for publication on relations between the USSR and various European powers, large and small, and the United States in the lead-up to World War II and then beyond until 1942. The author discovers and illustrates social and cultural aspects of diplomatic activities. The topic is Soviet relations with Nazi Germany and Poland in 1933. The larger context is the origins and unfolding of World War II, a subject of importance both intrinsically and politically in relations between the Russian Federation and the western powers. President Vladimir Putin has himself taken an interest in these questions, insisting on an honest, frank historical treatment of that period. How did the USSR and in particular the Narkomindel react to Adolf Hitler’s assumption of power in Germany at the end of January 1933? What additional information do the Russian archives contribute to our knowledge of the origins of the war? The methodology is that of a historical narrative based on archival research, especially in the AVPRF in Moscow. The objective is to explore the policies of the Narkomindel, and in particular the personal views of its leaders, M. M. Litvinov, N. N. Krestinskii, and B. S. Stomoniakov, on the interconnected issues of Soviet relations with Germany and Poland. Let’s call it an histoire des mentalités. 1933 was a year of transition in Soviet relations with the outside world moving from the so-called Rapallo policy of correct relations with Germany to a new policy of collective security and mutual assistance against Nazi Germany. In this chapter one can follow the evolution of ideas in the Narkomindel in reaction to Hitler’s rise to power: from immediate anxiety to a growing conviction that Rapallo was dead and that the USSR had to form stronger relationships in the west and with Poland. This may surprise some readers who think that the Soviet preference, or at least Stalin’s, was always a German orientation. As for Poland, in what may also surprise some readers, and especially many Poles, the Narkomindel sought better relations with Poland to counter the Nazi danger. It was the Polish government which did not want them, preferring a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany (January 1934). Could Poles and Russians ever bury the hatchet after centuries of animosity? In a tragedy amongst many, they could not do so.

This master’s thesis analyzes the dynamics between the German Democratic Republic and its citizens through complaint letters that East Germans sent to the State between 1953 and 1967 regarding housing problems. It argues that the complainants adopted “socialist values” throughout their discourses as a way of justifying the legitimacy of their complaints. In other words, they used the discourse and principles of the state against it in order to demand action and a resolution to their problems or concerns. This thesis not only highlight these various strategies, utilizing a “history from below” approach, but it also investigates the state’s reaction to the complaints of its citizens. It argues that the state responded overall better in the 1960s as it did in the 1950s, showing evolution in the relationship between state and society as well as a shift in the state’s way to understand socialism. By the 1960s the East German government had had time to slowly adapt its domestic politics towards the population’s needs. The analysis of these letters is at the crossroads of two methods: First I employ a discursive analysis that allows me to identify the recurring strategies by which the state and its citizens sought to influence each other. Second, I use a statistical analysis of the State’s responses coupled with an examination of domestic politics that allows me to capture the changing attitude of the government towards its population.

Ab Herbst 1944 wurden schätzungsweise 12 Millionen Deutsche aus den östlichen Provinzen des Reiches oder aus verschiedenen zentral- und osteuropäischen Ländern Flüchtlinge oder Vertriebene. Dennoch fand die Behandlung dieser Personen nach ihrer Ankunft in den Westzonen in der Historiographie außerhalb Deutschlands bisher kaum Beachtung. Anhand der Untersuchung eines Flüchtlingslagers im oberfränkischen Bamberg, widmet sich diese Masterarbeit dem Ziel, die verschiedenen Gruppen innerhalb der Flüchtlingsbevölkerung zu identifizieren und die komplexen Entscheidungsprozesse der Stadt, der Diözese und der deutschen Hilfsorganisationen bezüglich der Integration der Neuankömmlinge zu analysieren. Vor dem Hintergrund der prekären Wohnungsnot, dem Fehlen von Basisgütern und der Politisierung der humanitären Hilfen, hebt diese Studie die Unterschiede, sowie die Bevorzugung einzelner Flüchtlingsgruppen zum Nachteil anderer hervor. Diese Arbeit widmet sich in besonderem Maße der Geschlechter- und Sozialgeschichte, um die in der traditionellen Geschichtsschreibung häufig vernachlässigten historischen Analysekategorien miteinzubeziehen. Weiterhin liegt der Fokus auf den deutschen Nachkriegsdebatten zur Entwicklung einer neuen Ordnung von Politik, Ökonomie, Gesellschaft und Geschlecht. Ich werde daher versuchen, im Kontext der aufkommenden Viktimisierung im Zuge der Gestaltung einer westdeutschen Identität und Erinnerungskultur, zu verstehen wie und warum manche Gruppen eher Zugang zu Nahrung, Wohnraum, Arbeit und medizinischer Versorgung erhielten als andere.

In 1917, the Bolshevik party seized power in Russia, repudiated state debt, nationalized private enterprises and imposed early forms of Soviet management to the economy. France, whose economic ties with Russia had largely grown during the three previous decades, saw her huge investments in the country compromised. The French private sector, by far the most affected of all Allied powers, reacted strongly to this regime change. This memoir focuses on the subsequent actions of the private sector, and seeks to understand how they reacted to the Bolshevik’s coming to power. Did they play a role in the process of decision-making towards military intervention? Did they have any impact on the ground in Russia? How did they react to the ultimate failure of the intervention and the loss of their assets? We demonstrate that the economic factor was central in the adoption of an interventionist policy. We also examine how the French government discreetly tried to support the private sector, but mostly used it to advance its own interests in Russia. Finally, we demonstrate that the failure of the private sector to defend its interests has many common causes with the failure of the military intervention itself.

So much has happened since the NiCHE New Scholars discussion on Animal History last May. Who would have known just how relevant the discussions we that day had would become? The initiative to discuss this topic was undertaken by Hannah Palsa, PhD student at Kansas State University. The main objectiv

Cet article a pour but de répondre à deux préoccupations. Dans un premier temps, il est question de saisir les caractéristiques des enjeux sanitaires mondiaux dans l’entre-deux guerres. Dans un second temps, il s’agit de mettre en exergue les