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Un article de la revue Cahiers d'histoire, diffusée par la plateforme Érudit.

Recent debates on religious violence in the Roman empire have focused mainly on the change from a polytheistic to a monotheistic empire, ‘das Problem des Monotheismus’, as stated by the Egyptologist Jan Assmann. In the tradition of the Enlightenment, polytheism and traditional religious practices are depicted as tolerant, because their inclusive character allowed individuals to adhere freely to as many and whichever cults they desired. The associated belief-systems are generally considered to have been open and non-coercive. Even the very category of ‘belief’ has been called into question, since it was the adequate performance of the rites that mattered. New cults could always be adapted and reinterpreted in familiar terms. Since gods and spirits were conceived of mainly as local entities, the veneration of foreign gods and spirits in a foreign country would be nothing more than a polite act: when in Alexandria, do as the Alexandrians do. Finally, nothing prevented an individual with enough backers and financial means from founding his or her own shrine.

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La société québécoise a été transformée grâce à la mise en oeuvre de politiques inspirées de valeurs sociales-démocrates, lesquelles se sont affirmées bien en deçà de la Révolution tranquille. Parmi les organisations mises sur pied, il y a le Conseil des métiers et du travail de Montréal (CMTM), l'ancêtre du Conseil régional FTQ Montréal métropolitain. Fondé en 1897, il est rapidement devenu le plus important forum débattant des enjeux politiques de la société civile au Québec. Les nombreux syndicats qui lui sont affiliés discutent certes des questions du travail, mais également d'un vaste éventail de sujets allant de la démocratie politique avec le droit de vote des femmes et l'abolition du cens électoral, à la démocratisation de l'éducation, à la nationalisation des entreprises de services publics et à la mise en place d'un filet de sécurité sociale. -- Résumé de l'éditeur.

Notre étude porte sur une période plus longue que les travaux de recherche dont on peut disposer sur les salaires réels au Québec. En effet, nous examinons l’évolution des salaires depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale jusqu’à 2018 en distinguant deux périodes : 1940-1977 et 1978-2018. La première est marquée par une augmentation substantielle de la rémunération moyenne des salariés alors que la deuxième voit leurs salaires nominaux croitre à peu près au même rythme que les prix à la consommation. La comparaison entre ces deux périodes permet de mettre en relief les facteurs qui sont à l’origine d’une évolution aussi différenciée.

La Grande émigration transatlantique (1870-1914) se caractérise par le volume sans précédents des populations touchées. Toutefois, sa caractéristique principale tient en grande partie à l'apport considérable des régions de l'Europe centrale, orientale, et du sud. Cet article discute comment, surtout à partir des années 1960-1970, cet ensemble de mouvements migratoires est devenu le champ d'étude privilégié permettant à l'histoire des migrations internationales de s'affirmer en tant que composante majeure de la « nouvelle histoire sociale ». Les recherches ont mené à une vaste production historiographique portant sur presque tous les pays ayant participé à ce mouvement transatlantique. Après avoir fait état des méthodologies et des cadres conceptuels que les historiens ont le plus fréquemment adoptés, l'article discute des orientations plus récentes marquées par la multidisciplinarité et influencées par la reconfiguration radicale que les migrations internationales ont connue pendant la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle. Des perspectives axées sur l'analyse du genre (gender analysis), des phénomènes transnationaux, ainsi que sur le rôle de l'état-nation dans la gestion des migrations, ont permis aux historiens de revisiter la grande émigration transatlantique et d'approfondir certains de ses aspects.

La guerra civil española ha sido un episodio trágico y violento de la historia de España y, en los últimos treinta años, la historiografía ha mostrado un especial interés por el estudio de las diversas formas de violencia que surgieron durante esa contienda. Esta tesis se va a centrar en la manera en la que se justifica la guerra y la violencia por parte de los republicanos. Este enfoque de análisis nos permitirá estudiar con más precisión ese proceso justificativo en los discursos que fueron puestos en circulación por el bando republicano, visto aquí de forma general. En esta tesis analizaremos la manera en la que el conflicto fue concebido como una guerra justa cuyo objetivo último fue visto como algo más que una sencilla victoria sobre el enemigo. En un contexto dónde la derecha se había levantado contra el gobierno del Frente Popular, surgido tras las elecciones del 16 de febrero de 1936, fue bastante fácil para los republicanos defender moralmente su implicación en un conflicto que tenía todas las características de una guerra total. Sobre todo, en una época en la que la violencia se veía cada vez más como un fenómeno amoral y punible; particularmente en las naciones liberales, tras el gran trauma que supuso la I Guerra Mundial en la conciencia colectiva. A pesar de que los republicanos estaban en plena contienda contra sus enemigos fascistas, la propagación de un discurso pacifista fue la manera empleada por ellos para garantizar la moralidad de sus propósitos ante la opinión pública española y mundial. A partir del análisis de la prensa, intentaremos estudiar esta aparente contradicción, muy lejos de ser la única en el mundo, pero que permitió a los republicanos defender la paz al mismo tiempo que estaban en plena guerra civil. El bando republicano fue de todo menos un grupo homogéneo. En él había republicanos de izquierda, socialistas, comunistas estalinistas, comunistas antiestalinistas e incluso anarquistas. La amenaza que representaba el fascismo para el cumplimiento de sus objetivos políticos forzó a estos grupos a unirse en la defensa de la bandera republicana, a pesar de haber luchado entre ellos antes de la guerra, para acabar así con el enemigo común; es decir, la derecha española apoyada por las potencias fascistas alemana e italiana. Todos los republicanos, sin excepción alguna, defendieron este discurso oficial “pacifista”; aunque este calificativo se usase de manera diferente, según sus preceptos ideológicos, por parte de cada uno de estos grupos que formaban parte de esta inusitada unidad antifascista. En suma, esta tesis tratará de relacionar los campos de estudios del pacifismo, de la guerra total y de las violencias en el contexto preciso de la guerra civil española durante sus momentos más agitados; es decir, desde el verano de 1936 y hasta el final del verano de 1937.

The Great Peace of Montreal (1701) is a manifestation of the success of French-Amerindian diplomacy, highlighting the many cultural adjustments that allowed for a global alliance and peace between New France and the nations of the Pays d’en Haut. This study looks at the following decade, and the ways in which diplomatic relations between French and Natives developed in Montreal at the beginning of the 18th century. Examining the colonial correspondence that was sent back and forth from Versailles to Montreal, it analyses colonial discourses to better understand how diplomatic practices evolved, and how Montreal played a key role as the urban setting for these pluricultural negotiations. Although these letters present a Eurocentric point of view, a particular consideration was given to Native speeches given during peace negotiations that are transcribed in the correspondence, but also to everything left unsaid by the official correspondents. This study analyses first how diplomacy took place in Montreal, taking an interest in the actors, the urban setting and the practices that surround it. Then it observes the development brought to diplomatic practices by new political stakes in the early 18th century. Ending the analysis at the end of the War of the Spanish Succession (Utrecht, 1713), the thesis concludes that this decade contributed to the continuous strengthening of a pluricultural diplomatic tradition that was ingrained in the urban setting of Montreal.

Historians have tried to determine what francophones read during the long 18th century for over a hundred years. To do so, they have studied library inventories, printing permits, and the archives of printer-editors, but these sources are fragmentary and of uncertain representativeness. This thesis reframes the question by studying, with a combination of computational methods and close reading, large digitized corpora that approximate the entire French-language print market of the long 18th century. Using these vast corpora, the thesis proposes and demonstrates that it is possible to pinpoint ideas to which readers were probably exposed frequently enough that the ideas influenced the readers’ mental maps of the world, regardless of what precise texts were involved in each case. Thus, the thesis shows that digital approaches constitute a major new tool for historians of reading and print, including (under some circumstances) when the only data at their disposal is OCR results plagued with high error rates. As an illustrative case study, the thesis examines imagined geographies, i.e., mental models of the world produced by exposition to print media containing direct or indirect descriptions of territories and their inhabitants. Concepts drawn from psychology, behavioural economics and media studies suggest how readers may have interiorized the messages transmitted by print and used them, consciously or not, to build their own imagined geographies. A study of some 70 000 volumes printed in French between 1700 and 1815, extracted from the Hathi Trust collection, shows that the Europe discussed in print expands eastward with time, that England draws most of the attention, and that discourses regarding most of the European powers are both remarkably stable and centred on war and aristocracy. Studies of major periodicals, cheap popular booklets (the Bibliothèque bleue), geography manuals and Raynal’s Histoire des deux Indes corroborate these findings. Examining the 14,547 geography articles published in Diderot’s Encyclopédie reveals a largely urban imagined geography that changes focus during publication, from Diderot’ purely descriptive science to a tool for cultural transmission when Louis de Jaucourt takes over primary writing duties; a parallel study of 6,053 articles drawn from all fields of knowledge shows that the Encyclopédie describes America as a young world rich in resources, primarily botanical, that are ripe for the taking. The way in which the colonial French Atlantic world is portrayed in the Ancien Régime’s main periodicals suggests that they may have played a role in the French public’s notoriously low interest for emigration to the colonies. Travel narratives of expeditions to the Pacific and around the world show tensions between the step-by-step construction of a utilitarian geography and the need to retain readers’ interest by multiplying picturesque or terrifying anecdotes. In all, print media propose to their readers imagined geographies that treat the outside world with distrust.